Past times and pastimes

A. Dean and Jean M. Larsen
Yellowstone Park Collection

JH

DA 565 .D85 A3 1922
vol.2

BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY

3 1197 22231 8120

PAST TIMES AND PASTIMES

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013

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Photo The Autotype Fine Art Company

From the Painting by Sir Arthur S. Cope, R.A.

The Earl of Dunraven, K.P.

PAST TIMES

AND

PASTIMES

BY THE

EARL OF DUNRAVEN
K.P., C.M.G.

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II

HODDER AND STOUGHTON
LIMITED LONDON

Printed in Great Britain by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.

CONTENTS

I.

PAGE

Ireland : The Land War and Land Purchase : Devolution . 1

Ireland (continued) .

ii.

in.

Political . . . . . . .94

IV.

Conclusion . . . . . . .147

V.

Postscript . . . . . . .155

Appendices . . . . . . .177

Index ..... .223

IRELAND

The Land War and Land Purchase

Scribbling in this year of disgrace 1921, it is a little
difficult to give a fair, unbiassed description of my
feelings towards my native land. Ireland is of all
the countries that I know of the most delightful to
live in. To me it has always had an indescribable
fascination, and this fascination is not in its effects
peculiar to me. Exceptions there are among men
who have settled in Ireland ; but I cannot recall an
instance of a woman who, by marriage or some other
fate, came to live in Ireland who has not become
devoted to its people.

I love Ireland for the pathetic tragedy of its his-
tory ; and its people for their tenacious fortitude,
innate chivalry and kindness of heart, sadness and
keen sense of humour — characteristics which, though
they are in abeyance at present, are racial and will
survive. And so, after the conclusion of the Boer
War, I devoted the very precious years since middle
age in endeavouring to do what I could for my
country.

Ireland is a hard mistress, and those who try to
serve her must be content to suffer. The Irish
character has some defects — one natural, and many
acquired. Irishmen are liable to be actuated too
much by personal attachment to a leader, too little

VOL. II i b

2 IRELAND

by adherence to some definite principle. They are apt
to follow a man for what he is rather than for what
he does or tries to do. Centuries of misgovernment,
generations of struggle, have warped and twisted the
natural character. England has never understood,
nor even until recently has honestly tried to under-
stand, the root causes of discontent in Ireland.
Ireland has yet to learn that unity in action is neces-
sary for success, and that hatred of England as a
motive power is bound to fail.

I have to the best of my ability tried in speech
and writing to enlighten England as to the historic
causes of Irish discontent. I have tried to persuade
Irishmen to believe in themselves and Ireland, to
think together and act together, to rely upon peace
within her borders and unity, — perhaps I have not
altogether failed. At any rate, I did what I could
according to my lights, and no man can do more. I
set before myself a fairly definite programme. Ireland
in the distant days of which I am thinking was in
the throes of a bitter agrarian struggle. Various Acts
interfering with the relations between landlord and
tenant had reduced the principal industry of the
country to chaos, and agrarian agitation and political
agitation were inextricably mixed up together.

The abolition of landlordism, and, in natural con-
nection with it, the reinstatement, so far as was
possible, of evicted tenants — the wounded soldiers of
the land war — a fair chance for labourers, a just
readjustment of taxation, higher education, the ob-
taining for Ireland of such an extension of self-
governing power as would give the Irish people full
control of all purely Irish affairs — these were the
principal items in the programme which I made up
my mind to advocate ; and I determined to pursue
them through the one method by which, as I believed,

IRELAND 3

success could be attained — conciliation, peace at home,
and good-will towards our neighbours. That seemed
to me to constitute a sane, sound, and truly national
policy.

In December 1902 and January 1903 the historic
Land Conference was held, and, in view of its im-
portance— marking, as it did, the dawn of a new era
in Irish affairs — I deal with it, and with my own
share in it, at some length.

The Land Conference

The story of the Irish Land Conference of 1902-
1903 may be said to begin with the Land Bill, in-
troduced by George Wyndham, the best Chief Secre-
tary Ireland had had for many years, in the spring
of 1902. This Bill was not a very great advance
upon earlier Land Purchase Acts. It did not provide
for the completion of purchase on anything like an
adequate scale, nor did it afford any remedy for the
sufferings of evicted tenants. It did not recognise
the pressing problems of the Irish Land system, and
it was condemned by the United Irish League and
the great majority of the people.

Mr. William O'Brien, writing of this abortive
attempt at settlement some years later, remarked
that, if the 1902 Bill had become law, " it must either
have deprived the tenants of all freewill and forced
purchase upon them on the landlords' own terms, or
restricted purchase transactions to insolvent estates
and maintained landlordism practically intact for
generations to come." The Bill was withdrawn on
June 10, and another and more comprehensive
measure was promised for the following year.

During the summer of 1902 a great deal of agita-
tion and violent disturbance took place in Ireland.

4 IRELAND

Large portions of the country, including the cities of
Dublin, Cork, and Limerick, were proclaimed under
the Crimes Act, public meetings were suppressed,
and a number of Members of Parliament were
imprisoned.

But, in spite of this storm and stress and all the
violent passions aroused, a certain vague, half-
unconscious movement of public opinion towards a
different solution of the problem than " a fight to the
finish " began to manifest itself. The idea of a
conference between landlords and tenants was not
absolutely new ; but it never began to take anything
like a tangible form until in the summer of 1902
some such arrangement was advocated by Mr. Lindsay
Talbot-Crosbie and others in a series of letters
that were favourably received by the Nationalist
Press.

On August 27 the annual meeting of the Land-
owners' Convention was held, and in the private
business which preceded the public meeting Mr.
Talbot-Crosbie submitted a resolution expressing the
view that a Conference would be conducive of good
results and was worthy of the Convention's support.
But after some discussion the resolution was with-
drawn, and was not submitted at the public meeting
of the Convention.

It is probable that the Conference idea was saved
from an untimely death by a bold appeal in a letter
from Captain Shawe-Taylor, which appeared in several
of the leading Irish newspapers on September 3, and
which, after deploring the 200-y ear-long " land war,"
with its resulting paralysis of commercial enterprise,
and its hatred and bitterness, and warning against
the impending renewed conflict between the United
Irish League and the Irish Land Trust, put forth a
strong plea for the convening of an early Conference

IRELAND 5

in Dublin, to which the Duke of Abercorn, Mr. John
Redmond, M.P., Lord Barrymore, Colonel Saunder-
son, M.P., the Lord Mayor of Dublin, The O'Conor
Don, Mr. William O'Brien, M.P., and Mr. T. W.
Russell, M.P., should be invited, and at which an
" honest, simple, and practical solution " — likely to
prove acceptable to both landlord and tenant — would
be submitted.

This appeal received added significance through a
statement authorised by the Chief Secretary, which
appeared in the Press, approving the suggested meet-
ing of the parties concerned, upon " their own re-
sponsibility and initiative."

" No Government," it ran, " can ' settle ' the
Irish Land Question ; it must be settled by the
parties interested. The extent of useful action on
the part of any Government is limited to providing
facilities, in so far as may be possible, for giving effect
to any ' settlement ' arrived at by the parties. It is
not for the Government to express an opinion either
on the opportuneness of the moment chosen for hold-
ing a Conference or on the selection of persons invited
to attend. Those persons who come together natu-
rally do so on their own initiative and responsibility.
Any Conference is a step in the right direction if it
brings the prospect of a settlement between the
parties nearer, and in so far as it enlarges the probable
scope of operations in such a settlement."

The Government was evidently anxious to do all
in its power to encourage a peaceful and amicable
settlement, a desire which was subsequently em-
phasised by the appointment of Sir Antony (now
Lord) MacDonnell to the Under-Secretaryship, a
position which he accepted at great self-sacrifice, as it
involved losing a seat on the India Council and the
reversion of the Governorship of Bombay.

6 IRELAND

The views of the various political leaders upon the
Conference, as suggested in Captain Shawe-Taylor's
letter, were anxiously awaited by the public. The
Lord Mayor of Dublin (Mr. T. Harrington, M.P.) had
already expressed his willingness to take part. Mr.
T. W. Russell wrote that he could not, in the face of the
reasonable attitude of a section of the landlord body,
take the responsibility of declining — the choice was
" really between peace and civil war." Mr. Redmond
and Mr. O'Brien took longer to make up their minds ;
but, on September 22, Mr. Redmond wrote that,
while he was ignorant of the proposals which Captain
Shawe-Taylor intended to submit, he could not
" refuse to confer with genuine representatives of the
landlords." Mr. O'Brien wrote in a similar sense.

The landlords gave the proposal a very different
reception. My brother-in-law, Arthur Smith-Barry
(Lord Barrymore), wrote denouncing a Conference
as practically capitulating to the enemy ; so also
did the Duke of Abercorn, Colonel Saunderson, and
others. I wrote one or two letters to the Irish
Times, urging that while a Conference might do good,
it could not possibly make matters worse than they
were ; and that at any rate it showed that we land-
lords had confidence in our case. Shawe-Taylor
telegraphed to me begging me " to come up and help
us," and I went to Dublin.

Shawe-Taylor thought that the best results would
be arrived at by the meeting of extremists on both
sides. But, whatever may be the abstract justifica-
tion for this plan, it was obviously impracticable. A
Conference became impossible when the representa-
tives of one side absolutely refused to confer. The
Irish newspapers, however, pressed more strongly
than ever for a Conference, and on September 22,
at a meeting of the Deputy-Lieutenant^ of Queen's

IRELAND 7

County, a resolution was passed in favour of a Con-
ference, an event which Mr. Healy termed " the
most significant that has taken place on the Land
Question since 1881." The example was followed at
meetings of Deputy - Lieutenants in several other
counties. County Councils also passed resolutions in
favour of a Conference. A poll of the Lieutenants
and Deputy-Lieutenants of Ireland was taken by the
Independent and Nation, the result being 103 for
a Conference and 33 against. A similar poll of the
County Councillors resulted in 358 for and only 3
against.

On October 4 the Archbishop of Dublin published
a statement giving his hearty approval to the project,
and referred to a proposal on somewhat similar lines
which he had himself made some years before ; and
three days later, at a meeting of the Roman Catholic
Hierarchy at Maynooth, a resolution was unanimously
adopted expressing the " earnest sympathy " of the
meeting with the project of a Land Conference. " We
earnestly trust," the resolution concluded, " that all
those on whose co-operation the success of this most
important movement depends may approach the con-
sideration of it in the spirit of conciliation in which it
has been initiated."

On October 8, at a meeting of the Irish Party in
Dublin, a resolution (moved by Mr. Dillon and carried
unanimously) was passed to the effect that while
approving the action of Mr. Redmond, Mr. O'Brien,
and Mr. Harrington, they agreed with them that any
Conference with unacknowledged or unrepresentative
persons must either prove wholly abortive or be
aimed against the unity and interests of the people's
organisations.

It was very evident that the idea had taken a
deep hold on the popular mind. It was supported

8 IRELAND

by resolutions of local bodies, by meetings of Deputy-
Lieutenants, by the most important Irish newspapers,
and by nearly the entire English Press — irrespective
of party — with the exception of the Times. But all
these striking manifestations of public opinion had
no effect whatever on the dominant party in the
Landowners' Convention — or, if it had any effect, it
served merely to stiffen their resistance ; and at a
meeting of the Convention on October 10 a resolution
proposed by Lord Mayo and seconded by Mr. Lindsey
Talbot- Crosbie, in favour of a Conference, was rejected
by 77 to 14 — a decision which was received with a
chorus of regret and disappointment from the larger
part of the Irish and English Press.

The minority in the Convention were not disposed
to acquiesce tamely in their defeat. They challenged
the right of the Convention to represent the views
of landowners on that particular point, and on
October 18 they published a circular stating that, as the
question of a Conference had not been mooted when
the delegates were elected, it was doubtful whether
the vote represented the general feeling of the land-
lords, and that they would endeavour to ascertain
the opinion of landowners by means of a poll. For
that purpose a Provisional Committee was formed,
and a copy of the circular and a voting paper were
sent to all the landowners of Ireland.

During the next month the members of the
Provisional Committee took steps to keep the project
before the public. Colonel (now Sir) Hutcheson-Poe,
Lord Mayo, myself, and others took up the cudgels
for a Conference in letters to the Press, pointing out
the unrepresentative character of the Landowners'
Convention, and denying its right to speak with
authority for the whole body of landlords. At
Limerick I addressed a meeting of landlords, urging

IRELAND 9

the desirability of ending the system of dual owner-
ship, which had proved " a disastrous failure," and
establishing single ownership through some " fair and
equitable " measure of purchase by which the land-
lords could be bought out ; and in a speech at Dover,
on October 31, the Chief Secretary compared his
position to that of " an honest broker " between land-
lords, tenants, and the Imperial Exchequer, and
implied that his task would be much easier if some
sort of agreement were arrived at between the two
former with regard to the terms which they could
accept.

The result of the poll was announced on November
18. Some 4000 landlords had been approached, and
of these 1706 recorded their vote ; 1128 voted in
favour of a Conference and 578 against a Conference.
The result was a great encouragement, and we decided
to proceed. The Committee appointed to take the
poll was at once dissolved, and a new Committee was
formed for the purpose of arranging for a Conference.
This Committee consisted of myself as Chairman, the
Earl of Meath, the Earl of Mayo, Viscount Powers-
court, Lord Castletown of Upper Ossory, Sir Algernon
Coote, Colonel (now Sir) Nugent Everard, Colonel
(now Sir) Hutcheson-Poe, Mr. Lindsay Talbot-Crosbie,
Mr. George Taaffe, Mr. William Daly, and Captain
Shawe-Taylor. Other members were added to the
Committee later.

Our first act was to address a communication to
the Secretary of the Landowners' Convention, asking
the Executive Committee to co-operate with us in
arranging the details of a Conference. The reply
which our Secretary (the Earl of Mayo) received
declined all co-operation. The Committee adhered
to the statement adopted by the Convention on
October 10 ; they regretted the action taken as

VOL. II c

10 IRELAND

" tending to create an impression that Irish land-
owners are divided," and thought that any terms
agreed on by such a Conference " would inevitably
involve the exclusion and sacrifice of many of the
smaller resident landowners." The letter from the
Secretary of the Landowners' Convention concluded :
" If such a Conference as your Lordship (Lord Mayo)
suggests takes place, it must be on the responsibility
of those who are promoting it ; but my Committee
thinks it unfortunate that a body so generally and
deservedly discredited as the Irish Parliamentary
Party, representing the United Irish League, should
be to any extent reinstated in public opinion by an
invitation from a body of Irish noblemen and gentle-
men to nominate representatives to a joint Con-
ference."

We were not deterred by this refusal nor intimi-
dated by its rebuke. Having expressed regret at the
action of the Executive Committee, we passed a
resolution deciding upon immediate steps for carrying
out the necessary arrangements for the holding of
a Conference.

We were much encouraged at this juncture by the
attitude of the Irish Government. On November 24,
Lord Dudley (the Lord-Lieutenant) expressed strong
approval of the project, and pointed out that, as the
question was mainly one of finance, it was most
important that representatives of both sides should
meet and try to come to an agreement on certain
points, which could then be pressed upon the Govern-
ment with the united support of both owners and
occupiers.

We immediately took another poll of the land-
lords for the selection of their four representatives at
the Land Conference ; and the Irish Parliamentary

IRELAND 11

Party selected as tenants' representatives the four
suggested by Mr. Redmond. In a speech at Dundalk
on December 14, Mr. Redmond referred to the forth-
coming Conference as " one of the strangest and most
hopeful episodes that had ever occurred in the whole
of their history." The final responsibility for drafting
a scheme must rest on the shoulders of the Govern-
ment, and both sides must be left by the Conference
perfectly free to criticise it, but none the less " the
mere holding of such a Conference was in itself taken
alone an event of enormous significance and of most
hopeful augury."

On December 18 it was announced in the Press
that the arrangements for the Conference were com-
plete, and that it would meet immediately in Dublin.
The landlords' representatives were the Earl of Mayo,
Colonel Hutcheson-Poe, Colonel Nugent Everard, and
myself. The tenants' representatives were Mr. John
Redmond, Mr. William O'Brien, the Lord Mayor of
Dublin (Mr. T. Harrington), and Mr. T. W. Russell.

Mr. Redmond and I had had many unofficial
conversations in London ; and they were very neces-
sary, for feelings on both sides were very bitter. The
representatives of both parties had come straight out
of the firing-line. Mr. O'Brien especially had taken
a very active part in the land war. After all, we
met rather prematurely. I heard from Mr. Redmond
that Mr. Dillon and Mr. Davitt had sailed from New
York, and that it was desirable for the Conference to
be in session before they arrived. In that case they
would not be likely to interfere ; but otherwise, would
certainly object to a Conference. So we hurried over
to Dublin.

The first meeting took place at the Mansion
House on December 20, kindly placed at our dis-

12 IRELAND

posal by the Lord Mayor (Mr. T. Harrington, M.P.).
A resolution, moved by Mr. Redmond and seconded
by Colonel Everard, asking me to preside, was carried
unanimously, and Captain Shawe-Taylor was ap-
pointed Honorary Secretary, a well-deserved recogni-
tion of his services to the movement. Subsequent
sittings took place on December 22, 23, 24, and 31,
and on January 3, 1903. All these meetings were
in private, and practically no information was given
to the Press.

As Chairman I prepared a draft Report, which
was accepted as a basis for discussion. I assumed
that a satisfactory settlement of the Land Question
could be arrived at only by the substitution of an
occupying proprietary in lieu of a system of dual
ownership : that the transfer must be by purchase
on equitable terms : that, as it was very desirable to
avoid delay, settlement should be made, as far as
possible, between owner and occupier without the
interference of the State : that owners of land should
not, as a result of a settlement, be expatriated : that
purchase price should be based upon income, and that
income should be second-term rents or their fair
equivalent : and that the State might reasonably be
asked to bridge the gap, if any, between the price
that owners could afford to take and the price that
tenants could afford to give.

A draft enumerating the points which the tenants'
representatives considered absolutely essential to a
settlement was also furnished by, I think, Mr. William
O'Brien, who has, with pardonable pride, pointed out
in his book that most of the requirements made by
himself and his colleagues were, after discussion,
accepted by the whole Conference.

Considering that feeling ran very high throughout
the country, and that the representatives at the

IRELAND 13

Conference fairly reflected that feeling, our discussions
were amicable. Conciliation won, as it always will
if given a fair chance ; and it had a fair chance for
the following reasons :

Both sides agreed on one point — that a system
of periodic settlement of rent was rapidly ruining
agriculture. Tenants looking forward to revision by
inspection inevitably let their farms run down in
order to show them in a deplorable condition : un-
certainty put a stop to all improvements : a con-
tinuation of the system meant ruin, and a complete
transfer of ownership was obviously the only alterna-
tive. The real question at issue was the terms on
which that could be brought about. The tenants'
representatives, however bitterly they hated land-
lordism, had no particular animosity against land-
lords. They wanted to keep them, and their money,
in Ireland. They agreed with Parnell that Ireland
wanted every Irishman, and they wished for terms
that would induce landowners to continue to reside
in Ireland. And, above all, the Conference was small
— only eight. A large Conference, set speeches, and
all the rest of it, would not have had the ghost of a
chance, and would have failed to do what eight men
sitting round a table succeeded in accomplishing.

We were all agreed that some assistance in the
shape of a grant in aid was necessary, and the tenants'
representatives put it as high as £20,000,000 ; but I
was obliged to announce that, having been in com-
munication with persons in authority, I was convinced
that such a bonus was out of the question. After
debate, it was determined not to define the amount.
In that case, and in some others, difficulties were met
with, but were easily overcome.

The real crisis arose over the question of what the
tenants should pay. Their representatives held that

14 IRELAND

this should be as definitely fixed, in reference to rent,
as the price which the landlords were to receive.
They wanted (to quote Mr. O'Brien's words) " to
safeguard the respective rights of the landlords and
the tenants, so to say, in separate, water-tight com-
partments, independent of one another," and to make
it the " common interest " (of both sides) to combine
in pressing the State, in a no less substantial interest
of its own, to reconcile the two sets of terms, of course
within rational and moderate limits."

The landlords' representatives, on the other hand,
argued that value was not accurately determined by
rent, and that high-rented good land might be cheaper
than low-rented bad land ; and they were afraid
that, if they assented to a minimum of 20 per cent,
reduction of second-term rents, the advantage to
the tenants would be gained entirely at the landlords'
expense.

On this point we very nearly broke up ; but,
after some private and unofficial conversations, the
Conference agreed to a compromise — the 20 per cent,
reduction was to be an average instead of a minimum.

On January 4 we published a unanimous Report,1
having on the day before resolved that the Conference
should not be formally dissolved.

A unanimous Report was certainly a great triumph
for the forces of peace and conciliation. The two
classes which had been divided and hostile for so
many years had now combined to accomplish a
common purpose and to realise a common ideal. A
spirit and a temper all over the country were created
that enabled any Irishman, whatever his creed or
class might be, to help his country. Would to God
that that patriotic spirit had prevailed in subsequent
years. Had it done so, Ireland might have satisfied

1 The Report is printed verbatim in Appendix 2.

IRELAND 15

all her legitimate ambitions without passing through
tribulations that have left deep, though not indelible,
marks upon her.

Our Report was received by the people of the
country as a whole with immense approbation. The
landlords, too, were well satisfied with the result.
At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the
Landowners' Convention on January 7, a resolution,
moved by the Duke of Abercorn, and seconded by
The O'Conor Don, was unanimously adopted, recog-
nising the Report as "a valuable addition to the
various suggestions that have been made for removing
the grave difficulties of the Irish Land Question by
bringing the Land Purchase Acts into more general
operation on the voluntary principle," and it ex-
pressed a hope that, in spite of certain points which
invited criticism, " the whole Report will receive
the serious consideration of the Government." The
O'Conor Don also wrote to the Irish Times that, as
one who had doubted the utility of holding a Con-
ference, he rejoiced that his doubts had not been
substantiated, and he defended the financial pro-
posals of the Report.

It also received the blessing of the Church, the
Standing Committee of the Catholic Hierarchy passing
a resolution expressing the view that the Conference
was an event of the best augury for the future welfare
of both classes.

A speech made by the Lord-Lieutenant gave us
exceptional gratification. He said :

" In years to come our successors will look on
Lord Dunraven's Conference as setting an example
in the treatment of Irish affairs of incalculable value
to the peace, prosperity, and contentment of this
country. Regarding the Land Conference, it was a

16 IRELAND

Conference of toleration, moderation, and co-operation,
and, as long as Ireland proceeds on those principles,
there is nothing in the world which she cannot do —
no height to which she cannot attain. But so long
as she ignores them, so long will the experience of the
past be repeated, and she will sink back into a state
of helpless impotence, and waste all the energies and
abilities of her manhood in fruitless internecine strife."

And the Chief Secretary wrote to me offering me
his " warmest congratulations on the Conference."

" The Report," he said, " is instinct with good
sense and good feeling. It reflects great credit on
all the signatories — above all on the Chairman."
And he went on to say that " if the two parties repre-
sented at the Conference will approach the third
party interested, viz., the tax-payer, in the same
spirit of sweet 6 reasoning,' giving him time to digest
a problem which, to him, is both novel and large,
and refraining from threats and objurgations, I feel
fairly confident — nay, sanguine — that 1903 will mark
an epoch in Irish history."

He also expressed the view, in a subsequent letter
to me, that " whatever befalls, your Conference has
its place in history and its permanent effect on life
in Ireland."

Three days after the Lord - Lieutenant's speech,
Sir Antony MacDonnell referred to the Report of
the Conference as " the most important document
that has seen the light in Ireland for a generation — a
document which no one who wisely loves Ireland
should ever distort and belittle."

The warning implied in the speeches made by
the Lord - Lieutenant and Sir Antony MacDonnell
was fully justified, for from the very day of the
publication of the Report a torrent of carping and
destructive criticism was let loose upon it. This

IRELAND 17

current of abuse found an outlet in the two leading
Nationalist papers, the Freeman's Journal and the
Independent and Nation, which, up to that time,
strange as it may seem, had vied with each other in
zealously supporting the Conference movement. They
now vied with each other in the bitterness with which
they attacked the Report.

Mr. Davitt denounced the Report in a series of
letters in the Freeman. He seems to have sincerely
believed that the price of land would be greatly
raised (ten or twelve years' purchase), and that a
huge bonus of fifty millions, which the Treasury
would be quite unwilling to supply, would be required
to make the financial arrangements work. Mr.
Davitt's language was very strong, and his references
to the landlords' representatives were far from con-
ciliatory in tone. In a speech in February he said
that he for one placed " fifty times more hope in a
thoroughly united Ireland, including Ulster, fighting
a righteous battle on the lines of compulsory purchase,
on the lines of the official programme of the United
Irish League, than on fifty such Conferences." His
attitude I can well understand, for he hated individual
ownership, and was a consistent advocate of ownership
by the State. But the attitude of fierce hostility
eventually adopted by Mr. Dillon to the Land Act
I have never been able to understand. That the
terms were fair cannot, I think, be disputed now.
On the one side, Redmond's suggestion at the last
meeting of the Conference that the landlords ought
to give me a statue of solid gold was symbolically
correct. On the other hand, any one who knows the
number of years' purchase that farms bought under
the Act have since fetched must admit that tenants
purchased very cheap.

Mr. Redmond was placed in a position of some

VOL. II d

18 IRELAND

difficulty. During the interval which had to elapse
before the proposals of the Report could possibly be
translated into legislation, he naturally did not wish
to enter into a controversy with his critics over points
of detail ; but he was obliged, however, to repudiate
some of the more outrageous statements. In a speech
on February 1st he declared that, on the proposals,
Irish opinion, as voiced by all representative public
bodies in the country and the branches of the United
Irish League, was practically unanimous, and he added
that the danger was not that the people would repudiate
the scheme, but that the Government might be misled
by the statements in the papers. That was indeed
a very real danger: it was probably owing to the
outcry raised against the Report that the question of
incorporating a grant-in-aid of the Bill hung in the
balance during a part of February. It was stated
in the Press that the Government had made up its
mind to refuse any bonus. Fortunately, Sir Antony
MacDonnell was able to reassure Mr. Redmond and
Mr. O'Brien on that point on the day the announce-
ment was made.

Within the Parliamentary Party Mr. Redmond
had to reckon with the passive resistance of Mr.
Dillon, who refused to express any opinion on the
Report. It was, however, clear that in his case
silence did not mean consent.

When the Party met in Dublin on February 16,
Mr. Dillon was not present, and the only member
there who was not in sympathy with the Report
left before the vote was taken. A resolution was
passed unanimously returning thanks to the Party's
delegates to the Land Conference, and endorsing in
the fullest manner the agreement arrived at.

At a meeting of the Directory of the United Irish
League a similar resolution to the same effect was

IRELAND 19

also passed (unanimously). It concluded by " trust-
ing that no apprehensions as to the state of Irish
Nationalist feeling, which can accept frank peace as
well as wage frank war, will prevent those responsible
for the government of Ireland from taking advantage
of their present unique and auspicious opportunity
of bringing about agrarian peace in the country, by
giving prompt and complete effect to the Land
Conference terms." These resolutions and other
evidence go to show that hostility to the Report,
though violent and noisy, was not widespread, and
did not represent the real feeling of the country.

The only other event of importance before the
introduction of the Land Bill was the amendment
to the Address moved by Mr. Redmond on February
25, that "It is in the highest interests of the State
that advantage should be taken of the unexampled
opportunity created by the Land Conference Agree-
ment for putting an end to agrarian troubles and
conflicts between classes in Ireland by giving the
fullest and most generous effect to the Land Con-
ference Report in the land purchase proposals an-
nounced in the Speech from the Throne."

This statesmanlike move on the part of Mr.
Redmond brought about a most remarkable debate.
Mr. Redmond himself in a fine speech emphasised
the fact that the Agreement was impossible of fulfil-
ment without State aid, but that administrative
economies would result and balance it, and that,
after all, a " great national policy of appeasement "
had a value which could not be appraised in terms
of pounds, shillings, and pence.

Mr. Wyndham replied sympathetically. But the
most striking feature of the debate was the anxiety
shown by the Liberal Opposition, as expressed in the
speeches of its leaders, Mr. Morley, Mr. Haldane,

20 IRELAND

Sir Edward Grey, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
and others, to co-operate with the Government in
putting through a settlement on the broadest and
most generous lines. The whole House showed itself
unanimous on that point. Mr. O'Brien mentions the
very interesting fact that Mr. Wyndham told Mr.
Redmond a few days later that the Cabinet was so
much impressed by the debate that the proposed
bonus was raised from ten to twelve millions.

Irish Land Act, 1903

On March 25 Mr. Wyndham introduced the Irish
Land Bill, described by a leading Irishman as " the
boldest and most comprehensive attempt ever made
in the direction of land legislation in the world's
history."

The Bill differed from the proposals in the Report
on a few points, such as decadal reductions, the
" status " of judicial tenants, the retention by the
State of a lien, and the reinstatement of the evicted
tenants. But in all its main provisions the Bill
was based on the recommendations of the Land
Conference.

On April 16 a National Convention was held in
Dublin. In spite of the hostility — in some cases secret,
in others avowed — of a few prominent Nationalists to
the Bill, the Convention, with practical unanimity
and with great enthusiasm, pledged itself to accept
the Bill (subject to certain necessary amendments),
and gave full powers to the Irish Party to decide
" the attitude to be adopted towards the measure in
its subsequent stages." The Conference Landlords
appointed a Committee, of which I was nominated
Chairman, to watch the passage of the Bill. During
the passage of the Bill numerous amendments had

IRELAND 21

to be moved or opposed, and it was an anxious time :
but the two Committees — the Nationalist Committee
and the Conference Landlords' Committee — worked
on the whole harmoniously. We were able to
support them in nearly all the amendments they
moved.

The most serious crisis arose over what came to
be called the " zones." l The representatives of the
Landowners' Convention were determined to retain
the " zones." The tenants' representatives feared
that the zones would act unfairly on the tenants, and
insisted on abolishing them. Finally, my Committee
(Conference Landlords') and the Nationalists' were
prepared to agree upon a compromise that the adop-
tion of the zones should be optional ; and Mr. Duke,
K.C., who was acting as our representative in the
House, put down an amendment enabling judicial
tenants, like all the rest, to bargain outside " zone "
prices, subject to an official inspection by the Estates
Commissioners. A serious crisis occurred over this
amendment, and Mr. Redmond sent a Memorandum
to Mr. Wyndham on June 19, stating that unless
it were accepted by the Government the Bill would
in all probability be lost. The following evening the
Landowners' Convention held a meeting at the West-
minster Palace Hotel to consider the amendment.
I spoke urging the landowners to listen to counsels
of moderation ; but the opposition was very strong.
The Duke of Abercorn, who was the President of the
Convention, was absent at a Levee or Drawing-room.
Fortunately, he arrived opportunely, straight from

1 The Report was strongly in favour (in order to avoid delay) of allowing
sales to go through by agreement between landlord and tenant without
further investigation by the State, provided that the annuities payable to
the State represented a reduction of between 20 to 40 per cent in the case
of first-term rents and from 10 to 30 per cent in the case of second-term
rents. These limits came to be called " zones."

22 IRELAND

the Palace, and also counselled acceptance of the
compromise. The Convention withdrew their opposi-
tion to the amendment.

Thus, in spite of certain elements of friction and
hostility within the Irish Party, the spirit of recon-
ciliation and good-feeling which had characterised the
Conference was preserved during the passage of the
Bill, and the measure received the Royal Assent on
August 14.

The Irish Land Act of 1903 is a lasting monument
of what that spirit can accomplish for Ireland. It
changed the face of the country : improvement was
almost miraculous. In five years it enabled 228,938
occupying tenants to buy their holdings : seventy-
seven millions' worth of property changed hands on
terms recommended as fair by both sides, accepted as
fair by the whole Irish people through their repre-
sentatives in Parliament, their National Convention,
their local bodies, and by every means through which
the opinion of a community can be made articulate,
and endorsed as fair by all parties in both branches
of the Imperial Legislature. But the beneficent
operations of the Act were put an end to by
Mr. Birrell's Act in 1909, to which I subsequently
refer.

Unfortunately, as has so often happened in Irish
history, no sooner was the ship's head pointing to-
wards peaceful settlement than mutiny broke out.
Sharp differences between Ireland's representatives
arose upon questions of policy : and an agitation,
sedulously and bitterly pursued, carried in its train
evils which bore the worst possible fruit. Mr. Sexton
led a determined and hostile campaign, and was
supported by Mr. Dillon and Mr. Davitt. A meeting
of the National Directory (the governing body of the
United Irish League) was summoned to meet in Dublin

IRELAND 23

to devise practical plans for the working of the Act ;
but, shortly before the meeting, Mr. Dillon, addressing
his constituents at Swinford, made a most violent and
scathing speech, and denounced in the most wholesale
and implacable manner the Act, the landlords, and
the Irish leaders who were responsible for the Act.
In a further speech at Swinford he did everything
possible to stir up and foment a national panic,
and to persuade the people that the Act was a
" landlord swindle " and would lead to national
bankruptcy.

So strong was the current of public opinion turned
against Mr. Redmond that in November Mr. O'Brien
resigned his seat in Parliament and withdrew from
the Directory of the United Irish League, in order,
as he thought, to relieve the situation and save the
party from division.

He evidently did not come to this decision rashly.
Nevertheless, his resignation was a mistake. Party
discipline is good when displayed in furtherance of a
definite principle ; but to sacrifice principle to unity
is to abandon substance for shadow. Mr. Redmond
fell into the same error when, at the Convention in
1918, he denied his better judgment to save the
Party, with the result that the Party was annihilated
at the next election.

Mr. O'Brien's resignation was viewed with deep
regret by those who knew the value of his efforts.
Mr. John Redmond wrote to me on November 14,
1903, that he considered the resignation deplorable ;
that though his own position was a most difficult one he
had no idea of following Mr. O'Brien's example ; that
he was convinced the Act would work all right ; that
what was worrying him was the destruction, for the
time being at any rate, of the chance of bringing
classes together and really uniting Ireland.

24 IRELAND

George Wyndham also deeply deplored the resigna-
tion :

" I am grieved," he wrote me, " by W. O'Brien's
resignation and its cause. You know how much I
have admired his courage — I might say chivalry —
ever since the Land Conference. It is tragic that
jealous journalistic and village wiseacres should defeat
his attempt to make Ireland a nation by burying
ancient feuds. I wonder if they know how disastrous
an effect they produce on English opinion, and, I
believe, also on Colonial and American opinion."

The Chief Secretary began to despair of being able
to carry out his intentions towards Ireland. He fore-
saw difficulty in financing the Act unless it was ac-
cepted in Ireland as a great act of reconciliation.
He complained bitterly in a letter to me of the im-
possibility of his carrying out his views as regards
the Evicted Tenants and the Congested Districts
Board ; and of the uselessness of his appealing to land-
owners unless, in the view of the great majority of
the people, the Act was an act of appeasement, and
put an end to class animosity. " It makes my heart
heavy," he said, " to see the Irish whom I love, and
wish to serve, giving their enemies cause to blaspheme
and gloat over their incapacity to sink personal
jealousies for a national cause." He was deeply dis-
appointed, but determined not to give up the struggle.
" I have stuck," he wrote me, " to my post, and I
trust you will persist in your efforts. For issues far
greater than ' the land ' are at stake. An Ireland
that had said ' Good-bye ' to Faction could win
almost anything. We live in an age of transforma-
tion. Irish Education, Irish Industry, Irish Nation-
ality, her pride of Place, all hang in the balance, and
must all be lost if she alone will not change with the
changing years."

IRELAND 25

In a former letter he told me that he was coming
to see me at Adare, for, he said, " I have much to
say to you. I stay here, in Ireland, whatever happens,
and at all costs. I have insisted on this. I have
sketched out all the work before me, and shall be
very glad to submit all my views to you. We can
then select and work up to something definite for next
session."

I have referred to this letter at length because it
shows what a high-souled Chief Secretary George
Wyndham was, and how his whole heart and soul
were filled with a desire to serve the Ireland he loved.

Devolution

The success of the Land Conference in dealing
with the vexed and thorny question of land tenure
set our Land Committee thinking whether the political
problem — at that time far less difficult — might not
be solved by the same means ; and a circular ad-
vocating that course was issued in March 1903 by
five members of the Committee. No action could be
taken by the Committee till it was discharged ; but
when in August 1904 the Committee was dissolved,
it was reconstituted as the Irish Reform Association,
with myself as President. A Provisional Organising
Committee was appointed, consisting of Sir Algernon
Coote, Colonel (now Sir William) Hutcheson-Poe, Mr.
Lindsay Talbot-Crosbie, and Colonel (now Sir Nugent)
Everard ; and on August 31 we issued a Preliminary
Report.

The objects of the Association were (1) to en-
courage co-operation amongst all Irishmen, irre-
spective of creed or class, for the development of the
country's resources, and for the promotion of the

VOL. II e

26 IRELAND

welfare of the people ; (2) to secure for Ireland such
effective control of purely Irish affairs as might be
compatible with the maintenance of the Legislative
Union between Great Britain and Ireland and with
the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. Our
platform was a modest one, but the planks were
sound.

It became necessary, of course, to develop this
Preliminary Report into a more definite scheme.
During the Land Conference and the passage of the
1903 Bill through Parliament I naturally became
very intimate with the Chief Secretary and Under-
Secretary, and often discussed Irish affairs, political
and financial, as well as agrarian, with them. Natur-
ally, also, I talked with them, but more especially
with Sir Antony MacDonnell, about the ideals,
schemes, and hopes of the Irish Reform Association,
and sought advice as to a definite programme.

During August I had several conversations with
the Chief Secretary and Sir Antony MacDonnell. On
August 26 we formally reconstituted ourselves as
the Irish Reform Association, and, after discussion,
decided upon our Preliminary Report. In September
Sir Antony MacDonnell paid me two visits on board
my yacht Cariad, lying snug in the little harbour
of Sneem, in Kenmare Bay. We talked over the
Irish Reform Association from A to Z, and, in fact,
agreed upon the draft of a scheme in conformity
with the Preliminary Report. On September 23 I
had a conversation with Sir Antony at the Chief
Secretary's Lodge, and on the 27th I had a long talk
on the subject with the Chief Secretary.

My general impression was that Dudley (the Lord-
Lieutenant), and George Wyndham (Chief Secretary),
approved of the draft of the scheme agreed upon
between Antony MacDonnell (the Under-Secretary)

IRELAND 27

and myself. It really looked as though at last a
settlement satisfactory to all parties, though, of
course, capable of development — as all such instru-
ments must be — would be arrived at.

On September 26 the Irish Reform Association
published a programme indicating the lines on which
devolution might proceed. We recommended that
the control over purely Irish expenditure, amounting
to about £6,000,000 annually, should be transferred
from the Treasury to an Irish Financial Council,
which would have an interest in making economies
for the benefit of Ireland, and whose decisions should
only be reversible by the House of Commons by not
less than a one-fourth majority of votes. It was
suggested :

(1) That the Lord-Lieutenant should be President
of the Council, the Chief Secretary Vice-President,
while twelve members should be elected by groups of
county and borough council and Parliamentary Con-
stituencies, and eleven nominated by the Crown in
order to secure the due representation of commercial
interests and of important minorities :

(2) that one-third should retire in rotation at the
end of the third year, but be eligible for re-election
and re-appointment : and

(3) that the Financial Council might be placed in
possession of funds in one of three ways : (a) the
entire revenue contributed by Ireland might be
assigned to her, subject to payment to the Treasury
of a fixed contribution, or of a contribution regulated
by a fixed principle ; or (b) the estimates for an
average of years might be taken as the standard con-
tribution from the Imperial Exchequer towards Irish
expenditure for the year, or for a fixed period of years ;
and that contribution, with the addition of savings
effected by the Irish Government in a preceding year
of the period, might be voted and allocated in accord-
ance with the Budget annually submitted by the

28 IRELAND

Council to Parliament ; or (c) certain heads of
revenue and the income derived from them, supple-
mented, if necessary, by a grant from general revenues,
might be assigned to Ireland either annually or for a
period of years. Suggestions were made as to the
extent of control to be exercised by the new body over
the spending departments in Ireland. The system of
Irish Private Bill Procedure was to be reformed, and
much of the business with which Parliament was
unable to deal was to be delegated to a statutory body
composed of Irish Representative Peers, members of
the House of Commons representing Irish Constitu-
encies, and past and present members of the Financial
Council. This Statutory Body was to have authority
to promote Bills for purely Irish purposes and to deal
with such other business as might be delegated to it by
Parliament. The programme concluded by recom-
mending that the Association should endeavour to
have the whole subject investigated by a Royal Com-
mission.

The scheme was a modest one. It gave Ireland
some control over finance, some incentive to economy
and wise and frugal administration : and it gave her
some delegated legislative powers. The grants were
small and very strictly limited, but held the promise
of larger concessions — of development on sound and
safe lines. My hope was that a Bill would be intro-
duced and passed on the lines indicated; that the
moderate sections of Nationalists and Unionists would
accept it and work it successfully ; and that Parlia-
ment, seeing it working well and anxious to divest
itself as much as possible of Irish business, would
transfer more and more legislative and administrative
functions to Ireland, until by degrees Ireland would
have full control of her own affairs.

The scheme was vehemently attacked by the
extreme wings of both Unionists and Nationalists. The
Irish Unionists, especially those of Ulster, opposed

IRELAND 29

the plan very fervently. They saw in the " Dun-
raven project " little, if anything, better than a sub-
stantial and dangerous advance towards the Home
Rule which they hated. The Irish Unionist Alliance
declared that it was " attended with the gravest
danger to the Unionist cause, and that legislation to
confer further powers of local government on Ireland
in excess of those granted to other portions of the
United Kingdom must inevitably tend to the establish-
ment of an Irish Parliament." The Ulster Liberal
Unionist Association unreservedly condemned the
proposals, and declared that it would fight them as
determinedly as it did those of Mr. Gladstone. Some
ascribed them to the instigation of Mr. Chamberlain,
who authorised a disclaimer. Sir West Ridgway (a
former Under-Secretary for Ireland) commended and
defended the project, stating that his views had been
conceived during the period of his service as Under-
Secretary. It was, however, bitterly opposed in the
Times by Lord Londonderry and by the Attorney-
General for Ireland (Mr. Atkinson — now Lord Atkin-
son), the latter denouncing it as a " gross betrayal of
the Unionist cause," and making the scandalous in-
sinuation that the Irish Reform scheme was part of
an " understanding " whereby the adherence of the
Nationalist Leaders had been secured to the Purchase
proposals of the Land Convention ! In spite of the
fact that the scheme was denounced by Unionists
because it was certain to result in the establishment
of an Irish Parliament, it was strongly opposed
by members of the Nationalist Party, who desired
the creation of an Irish Parliament. Mr. Michael
Davitt, in a speech at Clonmacnoise, said : " If we
are foolish enough to be wiled by Lord Dunraven
and Mr. George Wyndham, who is possibly behind
this wooden-horse stratagem (!) we will richly merit

30 IRELAND

the contempt of our race and friends everywhere for
so abject a surrender of the National Movement."

In some Nationalist quarters, however, the pro-
ject excited a certain amount of gratified interest.
John Redmond, always wise in judgment, though
sometimes weak in action, cabled a benediction from
the United States declaring that " the announce-
ment is of the utmost importance. It is simply a
declaration for Home Rule, and is quite a wonderful
thing. With these men (the members of the Associa-
tion) with us, Home Rule may come at any moment."
And the United Irish League of America characterised
our proceedings as "a victory unparalleled in the
whole history of moral warfare."

But our well-meant effort was effectively damped
down by a letter from the Chief Secretary to the
Times of September 27, in which, on behalf of the
" Unionist Government," he stated that the Report
tended to confuse three distinct subjects — (1) economy
in Irish expenditure ; (2) amendment of Irish Private
Bill Legislation ; (3) the institution of a Statutory
Legislature for Ireland.

" I have to say (wrote the Chief Secretary), with-
out reserve or qualification, that the Unionist Govern-
ment is opposed to the multiplication of legislative
bodies within the United Kingdom, whether in pur-
suance of the policy generally known as ' Home Rule
for Ireland,' or in pursuance of the policy generally
known as c Home Rule all round.5 "

He criticised the proposals for dealing with Private
Bill Legislation and with Irish Finance, and added :

" I do not for a moment question the sincerity of
the Irish Reform Association's intention to avoid any
course which might impair the Parliamentary Union
of Great Britain and Ireland. I am convinced of their
devotion to the Imperial ideal. I welcome their

IRELAND 31

desire to stimulate energy and foster collaboration
among their countrymen for the promotion of educa-
tion, commerce, and industry. These aspirations are
unimpeachable. But the chances of their realisation
are prejudiced, and not enhanced, when they are con-
fused with any plan, however tentative, for the multi-
plication of Legislative Assemblies within the limits
of the United Kingdom. To any such plan, however
contracted in scope and vague in feature, the Unionist
Party is opposed."

A good deal of ill-feeling arising mainly from mis-
understanding of the action of the Irish Government
arose. It became known that Sir Antony MacDonnell
had assisted me (in September) in preparing the draft
of a scheme and that the Lord - Lieutenant (Lord
Dudley) was aware of it. The Irish Unionists became
very angry ; and the Times (on Jan. 28) declared
that Irish Unionists were convinced, rightly or
wrongly, that the aim of Sir Antony MacDonnell's
policy was to favour and strengthen the Clericalist
and Nationalist elements in the country, to the dis-
advantage of those who were loyal to the British
Constitution.

Sir Edward Carson, speaking at Manchester,
referred to the scheme as " fatuous, ridiculous, un-
workable, and impracticable," and declared that he
" preferred the repeal of the Union to any such
tampering with constitutional government as set up
in the Act of Union." The grievance of the Irish
Unionists appeared to be that a permanent official —
the Under-Secretary — had originated a scheme with-
out acquainting his Chief with it, and had evolved a
policy immediately disavowed by the Chief Secretary.

In their desire to force the Under-Secretary out
of office, Unionist speakers and the Unionist Press
showed themselves utterly blind to the ordinary

32 IRELAND

canons of good taste and veracity. The Unionist
Press and Unionist speakers persistently represented
MacDonnell as a criminally unscrupulous conspirator
whose aim was to destroy the Empire which he
had so brilliantly served, and, under instruction from
the Roman Catholic Hierarchy, to force Protestants
and Protestantism out of Ireland. MacDonnell felt
the injustice of the accusations levelled against him
very acutely ; and no wonder. He had, in accepting
the post of Under-Secretary, made great personal
sacrifices. He had never done, or dreamt of doing,
any of the things of which he was accused, and
he was in danger of being kicked out of office on
a preposterous charge. That he would have been
turned out is certain had he not received powerful
support.

Parliament met in February, and the whole
question was raised in both Houses. In reply to
questions in the House of Commons, the Chief
Secretary said that MacDonnell, in response to a
request from Lord Dunraven, had assisted Lord
Dunraven in discussing and formulating the proposals
known as the Dunraven Devolution Scheme, errone-
ously, but honestly, believing them to be within
Unionist principles, but that the Government held
that such proposals, embracing, as they did, the
creation of a Financial Board and the delegation of
legislative powers other than for private Bills, were
altogether inadmissible ; that he himself saw those
proposals for the first time in the Times of September
26, and immediately expressed his total dissent from
them ; that thereupon the Under-Secretary had at
once written to Lord Dunraven stating that he
could have no further communications with him
in connection with the programme of the Irish

IRELAND 33

Reform Association; and that the Government were
thoroughly satisfied that the Under-Secretary's con-
duct was not open to the imputation of disloyalty.

The next day I spoke upon the subject in the
House of Lords, making special reference to a speech
made by the Solicitor-General (Sir Edward Carson)
referring to the charge by Irish Unionists that a
permanent Civil Servant had himself evolved a policy
which had been disavowed by the Prime Minister and
by the Chief Secretary, which charge, if true, he
stated, was a " public scandal " and against all the
best traditions of our Public Service. I traced the
origin of the Devolution Scheme to the Irish Land
Conference Committee, and accepted responsibility
for it. I showed that for practical purposes the policy
had originated in a circular issued in March 1904
signed by five members of that Committee ; that it
was not thought opportune to proceed with its
advocacy while the Land Question was before Parlia-
ment, but that subsequently, in August, when the
primary work of the Committee had been discharged,
it was decided to reconstitute the Committee as the
Irish Reform Association, and to proceed. I stated
that in developing the details of the policy of the
Report published by the Association on September 26,
I had received " much valuable help and assistance "
from MacDonnell. I also mentioned that in informal
conversations with the Chief Secretary and MacDonnell
we had often discussed the desirableness and the possi-
bility of creating something like a moderate Central
Party in Ireland ; that I agreed with that, but felt sure
that, in order to bring it about, such a Party must
be animated by a positive, constructive policy ; and
that I regarded the Devolution Scheme as furnishing
such a policy. I concluded by contending that I was
justified in going to the man whom I thought best

VOL. II F

34 IRELAND

qualified to advise me, and that no idea of conceal-
ment had entered my mind.

The debate which followed was remarkable for a
speech by Lord Lansdowne, in which he pointed out
that it was quite clear that MacDonnell was not the
originator of the Devolution Scheme, and drew
attention in eulogistic terms to the fact that in order
to serve as Under-Secretary for Ireland, Sir Antony
MacDonnell had " sacrificed a place in the Council
of the Secretary for India, and later forwent the
Governorship of Bombay, which was within his
reach." Further, when MacDonnell took up the
appointment it was understood that he was to have
greater freedom of action than had he merely been a
candidate promoted in the ordinary way. It was
also understood between MacDonnell and the Chief
Secretary that one of the subjects to which their
efforts were to be addressed was the co-ordination
of the many detached and semi-detached forms into
which the government of Ireland was divided. The
passing of the Land Act of 1903 had resulted from
this policy. Nevertheless, while MacDonnell's high
reputation was absolutely untarnished by what had
passed, he (Lord Lansdowne) still thought that when
proposals for a partly elective financial body and a
statutory delegated legislature were suggested Sir
Antony might well have asked himself whether any
instructions or authority he had received covered such
proposals. Lord Lansdowne made the important
additional statement that the Lord - Lieutenant (the
Earl of Dudley) had authorised him to say that he
was " aware that Sir Antony MacDonnell was helping
Lord Dunraven, and that he discussed the reforms
suggested in that nobleman's scheme on several
occasions with the Under-Secretary."

The question came up again in the House of

IRELAND 35

Commons on an Amendment to the Address. The
Chief Secretary replied, assuring the House that he
had never spoken or written to MacDonnell in favour
of the two main proposals of my scheme, that they
had not been before him, and that he objected to them
strongly. The Prime Minister (Mr. Balfour) in a
subsequent speech indignantly repudiated statements
reflecting on the Chief Secretary's bond fides, which,
he said, was proved by his prompt denunciation of
the scheme as soon as it came to his notice. As to
the Lord-Lieutenant, he no doubt, said Mr. Balfour,
did discuss with the Under-Secretary what was going
on, and he understood from the Under-Secretary that
the Chief Secretary also knew what was proceeding ;
but the Under-Secretary was mistaken, and it was in
consequence of this mistake that the Lord-Lieutenant
thought that the Chief Secretary was aware of the
project. Mr. Balfour deplored the misunderstanding,
but held that the honour of neither of the gentlemen
concerned was in any way affected.

On February 22 Mr. Redmond moved the adjourn-
ment of the House to raise the question of the " present
conditions " of the Under-Secretary's appointment,
and demanded the production of the letters which led
to his appointment. The letters were read by the
Chief Secretary, who stated that there was nothing in
his letter to Sir Antony of which he was ashamed,
that no doubt a misunderstanding had occurred,
but that no charge could lie against Sir Antony's
good faith. The Prime Minister also spoke, stating
that he thought that there had been a great deal of
unnecessary feeling and exaggeration about the whole
business, that the Government did not agree with my
scheme, and that they had made their position clear
both as to the terms of Sir Antony's appointment
and as to the policy to which, in an unfortunate

36 IRELAND

moment, he had committed himself, though not the
Government.

On March 6 Mr. Balfour announced the resignation
of the Chief Secretary, with the deepest regret. He
admitted frankly that the main reason for his resigna-
tion was not ill-health, although he believed that he
was not then in a condition to cope with the anxious
labours of a great administrative office. The main
reason was that he felt that the controversy which
had taken place had greatly impaired, if not wholly
destroyed, his power of doing valuable work in the
office which he had held so long.

It was not until May 9, however, that the Chief
Secretary made his statement in the House of
Commons. He declared that he did not differ from
his late colleagues on any issue of policy. He was
still of the opinion that the maintenance of the Union
must be the fundamental principle of any sound Irish
policy, and that plans for devolution were, from some
points of view, more open to criticism even than Home
Rule. Circumstances, partly political and partly
personal, had convinced him that he could best assist
the Government and the Unionist Party as an in-
dependent Member. Referring to the misunderstand-
ings which had occurred, he admitted that he had been
in a measure to blame. While he had always desired
that Unionists should take an active part in promot-
ing social reforms in Ireland, he had never put forward
any proposals for the establishment of a financial
board for that country, nor had he ever approved, or
even contemplated, any delegation of large legislative
powers. He had not been sufficiently alive to the
probability that a body of Unionists might advance
into a region of constitutional controversy which he
could not enter, and consequently he failed to give

IRELAND 37

adequate attention to the earlier proceedings of the
Irish Reform Association. At the end of the session
of 1904 he did not know that the Land Conference
was to take a new name and a new lease of life, and
he did not pay sufficient heed to the document pub-
lished by the Irish Reform Association on August 31.
He was away at the time, and no copy of the docu-
ment was sent to him ; but the Under-Secretary wrote
him a letter, which he could not produce because
he had not got it, and he could not recall its contents.
He affirmed emphatically that he did not expect the
reform proposals which were made, and to which he
took exception. The Under-Secretary, however, was
sincerely, though erroneously, under the belief that
he would not object to those proposals. Thus there
were misunderstandings and misconceptions, and he
came to the conclusion that his power to do useful
work in Ireland had ended. He therefore tendered
his resignation to the Prime Minister with an assurance
of his unwavering support as an unofficial Member.

MacDonnell felt very acutely the imputations
made against him, and on February 8 wrote an able
Memorandum on the whole question, in which he
indignantly repudiated the allegations that he ex-
ceeded his functions in giving me any assistance ;
that he failed to inform his official superiors of what
he was doing ; and that generally his participation
in such a scheme was inconsistent with his duty to
the then Government. Having obtained his per-
mission, I print the Memorandum in full in the
Appendix,1 because it not only clearly explains his
position and meets all the charges which were levelled
against him, but also further elucidates my own
position in the controversy.

Although the Lord-Lieutenant and Under-Secretary

1 See Appendix III.

38 IRELAND

remained, the resignation of George Wyndham put
an end to our hopes.

George Wyndham was the soul of honour, and
he acted as he thought right ; but I think he sacrificed
his personal convictions, and I wish to Heaven that
he had found it possible to stick to his guns. The
concessions asked were small, it is true, and were
denounced by extreme Nationalists as quite in-
adequate. But the temper of the country was
favourable. The people, satisfied with the Land Act,
were anxious to escape from political agitation, and
to be free to devote themselves to the land which
had become their own. Their instinct was for peace
and moderation. Whether the Prime Minister (Mr.
Balfour) would have faced the resignation of the whole
Irish Administration on a point which that Adminis-
tration thought essential for the peace, contentment,
and good government of Ireland, I of course cannot
surmise. But I am convinced that if what I do believe
was George Wyndham's real will had prevailed, founda-
tion would have been laid then and there upon which
a permanent settlement could be built, and all the
accumulating misery of the last sixteen years might
have been avoided.

II

IRELAND

(Continued)

I dealt somewhat fully with the Land Conference
and the political events which followed close upon
it, because the history of that period is instructive,
as showing what could be done by Irishmen acting
together in unison, and how easy it was for them,
acting in disunion, to destroy much of the good
work that had been accomplished. Also because,
though wilfully impeded in its action, a peaceful
revolution was accomplished by the Act of 1903,
which made all things possible in Ireland ; and also
because an opportunity then occurred of making a
clean settlement of the Irish political question which,
unfortunately, successive Governments failed to seize
and utilise. It is, of course, impossible for me in
jotting down personal reminiscences to continue an
investigation of Irish affairs during the years which
have elapsed since then : that would practically
involve the writing of a modern history of Ireland,
and I have no intention of embarking on that. I
must content myself with a very brief review of
events and of the general line that I adopted towards
them.

The Land Act of 1903 was an important landmark.
Though vigorously opposed by Mr. John Dillon, and
with some success in Mayo, it settled the agrarian

39

40 IRELAND

question, and settled it amicably ; it materially
changed the whole face of the country ; and it gave
the landed gentry a chance of taking part in the
government of their country. The policy of con-
ciliation, however, failed in other respects — to my
great regret, disappointment, and grief. What I
felt about it is, I think, expressed in the following
letter which I wrote to a friend and colleague in 1907 :

" Five years ago Ireland rode on the crest of
opportunity. Acting in a spirit of mutual good-
will, actuated by a sincere desire for the general
public welfare, the antagonists in a centuries-old
struggle came to terms of agreement, universally
accepted as honourable and fair. A spirit of con-
ciliation was evoked, capable of solving all the social
questions in dispute, capable of healing all sectarian
and sectional wounds. Ireland was within an ace
of becoming able to voice her just demands with the
force of a united people. It was not to be. A violent
agitation was set on foot against the whole conception
of unity, against the whole spirit of conciliation, and
with fatal results. . . . Conciliation was thrust aside
as an accursed thing, with the consequence that rein-
statement of evicted tenants was delayed and accom-
plished only with infinite difficulty ; that a sound
patriotic movement for social and economical im-
provement in the west has largely degenerated into
a selfish scramble for land, involving outrage and
bloodshed, adding infinitely to the difficulty of an
already most difficult task ; that capital has been
scared out of investment in Irish Land Stock, and the
Land Act is hopelessly blocked for want of money ;
and that we have not moved one step towards the
settlement of the University question. The fact
stands naked before the people of Great Britain that
organised Nationalism, the Press, the purse, the
1 Machine,' would not permit Ireland to be at peace ;
would not allow her wounds to be staunched, how-
ever grievously they bled, lest she should weaken

IRELAND 41

in her political demands. . . . Ireland has a hard
task before her."

In 1907 the Government introduced the Irish
Council Bill — a small measure ; but it gave Ireland
an incentive to economy and some control of her
own administration. Mr. Redmond voted for it after
saying that he never felt his responsibility so great
before. But Ireland, as always — impetuous, wanted
to run before she could walk, and at a Nationalist
Convention held in Dublin shortly after, Mr. Redmond
was induced to move the rejection of the Bill. Ireland
kicked from under her feet the ladder up which she
might easily have climbed.

A solution of the Irish University question was
one of the items in the programme arrived at between
Mr. George Wyndham and Sir Antony MacDonnell.

I did what I could to assist them, and addressed
a long letter to leading Irish newspapers, pleading
for a settlement, and setting forth the lines on
which I thought a settlement might be arrived at.
My proposals were well received ; but three weeks
afterwards Lord Londonderry (Lord President of
the Council) stated that the Government had no
intention of creating a Roman Catholic University ;
and, subsequently, Mr. George Wyndham declared
in the House of Commons that in any expression of
opinion which he had given in favour of any such
scheme he had spoken " only for himself." This
was a blow to my hopes ; but soon afterwards a fairly
satisfactory solution was arrived at by the passage
of the Irish Universities Act.

In the same year the Treasury complained of
difficulties of providing money for land purchase at
2 1 per cent, and issued a Report containing pro-
posals for amending the Land Act of 1903. At a

VOL. II G

42 IRELAND

meeting of the Irish Party Mr. William O'Brien
moved, that the demands of the Treasury should
be met with a united and resolute Irish opposition,
and that the Party was prepared to appoint repre-
sentatives to confer with landlord representatives.
Mr. Dillon proposed an amendment that the whole
matter should be referred to a Committee of the Irish
Party exclusively. This amendment was carried by
45 votes to 15, and thus commenced the destruction
of the great Act of 1903.

Some of us did our best to try and explain to our
countrymen the evil consequences of the Bill which
the Government proposed to introduce upon the
subject. I very vividly remember a most remarkable
meeting held at Cork — summoned by a joint com-
mittee drawn from both Unionist and Nationalist
ranks. The Lieutenant of the County (the Earl of
Bandon) was moved to the Chair by the Lord Mayor
of the democratic Corporation of Cork,1 and the
motion was seconded by the Chairman of the most
democratic County Council in the island. Old and
fierce antagonists in the agrarian wars of the previous
twenty-five years met on the same platform ; and,
most remarkable of all, among them were Lord
Barrymore and Mr. William O'Brien, than whom
there had been no more resolute opponents, joining
hands in a noble effort to obliterate the past and
to redeem the future. I remember the pleasure it
gave me to introduce William O'Brien to Lord
Barrymore and to address so significant a gathering.
A deputation consisting of six peers (of which I was
one), eleven Members of Parliament, and some of

1 A short time previously a deputation of the foremost landed men and
representative bodies of Cork had saved Ireland from the importation of
Canadian cattle into Britain, and it was therefore decided to organise a still
more powerful deputation from that province of Munster to warn the Govern-
ment of the fatal effects of the proposed Bill.

IRELAND 43

the leading public men in Munster, was appointed
to submit the views of the meeting to the Govern-
ment ; but, to our utter astonishment, the Prime
Minister refused us a hearing — a most insane blunder.

In November 1908 Mr. Birrell (the then Chief
Secretary) introduced — apparently for demonstration
purposes only — a Bill embodying the Treasury pro-
posals ; but it was not proceeded with. The Bill
was again brought forward in the following March
(1909), in substantially the same form, but proposing
that the bonus should be graduated inversely accord-
ing to the price paid for the land — the lesser the
price the higher the bonus ; and it was proposed to
convert the bonus into a Treasury debt against
Ireland instead of a free gift.

My main objections, as summarised in a letter
which I addressed to the Press, were that, by
instituting an unstable for a stable medium, and
consequently of unstable for stable terms of purchase,
constant quarrelling about price would be caused ;
that the proposal to increase the annuity rate would
cause discontent by placing one-half of the purchasing
occupiers at a disadvantage compared with the
other half; and that the alteration in the terms of
the bonus would destroy, with disastrous conse-
quences, the range of prices under which £77,000,000
worth of property had been purchased by the occupy-
ing tenants, and would put an end to land purchase,
as was evidenced by the fact that since November 24
only thirty-nine originating notices had been lodged.
The combined effect of these propositions must, I
said, be to throw land purchase into the melting-
pot ; to make inevitable a long and disastrous
struggle between classes, and to destroy the Treaty
of Peace entered into in 1902-3 and the whole
policy of conciliation — which was, of course, exactly

44 IRELAND

what the political supporters of disorder desired to
see. The majority of the Irish representatives in
Parliament, led by Mr. Dillon, supported the Bill,
and, in face of that, our efforts against it were all
in vain.

During the whole of the year the veto of the House
of Lords had become a burning issue. The Govern-
ment spared no effort in fanning the agitation against
the Lords, and hypnotised the Irish Parliamentary
Party into believing that the veto of the House
of Lords was the only obstacle to a perfectly satis-
factory Home Rule measure. The Party hated the
land taxes but were persuaded or persuaded them-
selves that, if only they supported the Government
in all its measures, Home Rule was a certainty. I
did not think so. History shows that the House of
Lords gives way in deference to the clear expression
of well-considered public opinion. The veto of the
Upper House was not the real obstacle in the way,
and in my opinion it was deceiving the people to claim
that it was the only obstacle, and that to obtain its
removal by surrendering everything of material im-
portance to Ireland was justifiable. I doubted the
ability of the Government to deliver the goods, and
felt that holding up land purchase, acceptance of
increased taxation, and the consequent abandonment
of the claim that Ireland was already overtaxed,1 was
too heavy a price to pay for a nebulous promise of
some sort of Home Rule after a great constitutional
revolution had been accomplished in Great Britain.

1 The Irish representatives had enabled the Finance Bill of 1909 to be
passed. I and others held that the result would mean to Ireland an increased
taxation of some two millions per annum. But, after all, it was not the
exact amount of increased taxation that was an essential matter. It was
the principle of the acceptance of any additional taxation of Ireland that I
protested against. Ireland was overtaxed by £2,500,000 per year, and
acceptance of additional taxation seemed to me to give away the whole case
as regards " unjust or intolerable taxation of Ireland."

IRELAND 45

Mr. Birrell's Bill had been introduced in March,
1909, but did not pass its third reading until
September 17, on which occasion Mr. John Redmond
declared it to be a " great and wide-reaching measure
of reform." When the Bill came before the House of
Lords I moved its rejection, but the Bill was read a
second time. The Lords introduced several amend-
ments, some of which were accepted by the Commons ;
and on December 3 the Bill received the Royal Assent.

In 1909 Mr. William O'Brien commenced a re-
newed effort to preach the creed of brotherhood and
reconciliation among all Irishmen, and to this he gave
the fitting title of the All-for-Ireland League. What-
ever may be thought about the efficiency of other
methods in former times, he had the statesmanship
to see that in the principle of conciliation lay the
future fate of Ireland, and, having put his hand to
the plough, he drove a straight furrow in his advocacy
of the policy of the League. It was set forth in
the inaugural resolution, which stated

" That, inasmuch as we regard self-government in
purely Irish affairs, the transfer of the soil of Ireland
to the cultivators upon just terms, and the relief of
Ireland from intolerable over-taxation, as essential
conditions of happiness and prosperity for our country,
and, further, inasmuch as we believe the surest means
of effecting these objects to be a combination of all
the elements of the Irish population in a spirit of
mutual tolerance and patriotic good-will, such as will
guarantee to the Protestant minority of our fellow-
countrymen inviolable security for all their rights and
liberties, and win the friendship of the entire people
of Great Britain — this representative meeting of the
City and County of Cork hereby establishes an associa-
tion to be called the All-for-Ireland League, whose
primary object shall be the union and active co-
operation in every department of our National life of

46 IRELAND

all Irish men and women who believe in the principle
of domestic self-government for Ireland."

Unhappily for Ireland, a body of seceders from
the American Ancient Order of Hibernians was set up
under the official title of " Board of Erin " Hibernians,
but better known as " The Mollies," x with the object
of opposing the whole policy of conciliation and
unity advocated by the All-for-Ireland League. It
was a secret society, bound together by its own signs
and passwords, rigidly confined in its membership
to Roman Catholics, and, naturally, it caused great
irritation to the Orangemen in Ulster. Mr. Devlin,
who was Secretary of the United Irish League, be-
came President of the " Board of Erin," and under
his gifts of organisation it soon achieved success, and
not only eventually acquired an actual majority on
the Standing Committee that controlled the organisa-
tion and funds of the United Irish League, but
established complete mastery over the Irish Parlia-
mentary Party. Unfortunately, the Government gave
every encouragement to the " Board of Erin," which
became a source of public and official patronage, and
when in 1912 it was recognised as a Benefit Society
under the National Insurance Act it was able to
provide its followers with a large number of offices
and emoluments.

In March 1909 Mr. O'Brien went abroad very ill,
but promising his friends to return if ever the occasion
arose. The campaign of opposition to his policy and
to the supporters of it continued, — and with such in-
creased vehemence that in December he decided to
return and put the issue clearly before the people.
He emerged from the contest victorious, and won

1 " The Mollies " were so called from the fact that the " Ribbonmen "
used to meet in a shebeen owned by one Molly Maguire. At first called " Molly
Maguires," they soon became known, for short, as " The Mollies."

IRELAND 47

North-East Cork in the Parliamentary Election.
During the Election he had established a campaign
sheet called " The Cork Accent," * which he and his
supporters decided to continue in a permanent form
as a daily journal under the title of The Cork Free
Press.

The All-for-Ireland League made a very gallant,
and for some time a very successful, effort to carry
on the work of conciliation. I supported it to the
best of my ability, and have very vivid recollections
of meetings which, in company with Mr. William
O'Brien and Mr. Healy, I addressed at Limerick and
Cork.

Especially clear in my memory is the occasion on
which I addressed a great assemblage on " The Force
of National Sentiment." I was honoured by what the
Cork Free Press described — and quite accurately —
as "a crowded and enthusiastic audience." . . .
11 Long before the time fixed for the lecture, not only
the hall itself, but the galleries, were thronged with
as fine an audience of the people of Cork as has ever
honoured a lecturer in the Athens of Ireland . . .
not a square foot of the hall was unoccupied."

This great assembly certainly bore testimony to
the change which had come over Ireland. Thousands
had gathered together under the presidency of the
Lord Mayor, not to have their hearts stirred by a
recitation on Ireland's woes and the wrongs done
to her in the past, not to be regaled by demagogic
and exciting diatribes against the " bloody Saxon "
or " Orange dogs," but to listen to remarks in
support of a policy of conciliation advocated in

1 The " Cork Accent " was so named as a sort of reminder of a Convention
held in Dublin in February, at which the order was given to the stewards,
with box-wood batons concealed up their sleeves, that any one with a Cork
accent, being presumably a supporter of Mr. O'Brien, should not be allowed
near the platform.

48 IRELAND

Cork, of all cities in Ireland, and advocated amid
cheers.

And then when the lecture was over — when the
cause of conciliation had been pleaded — what hap-
pened ? The Cork Free Press gave the following de-
scription of a scene which I shall never forget — a
scene testifying to the new spirit in Ireland :

" When the proceedings at the City Hall came to
a close, a crowd consisting of many thousand people
assembled outside with torches, tar barrels, and four
bands, to escort the Members of Parliament and the
Earl of Dunraven to the All-for-Ireland Club, where
other speeches were to be delivered. When the Earl
of Dunraven, accompanied by Mr. O'Brien and Mr.
Maurice Healy, made their appearance on the steps
of the City Hall, they were greeted with a storm of
cheering, which lasted for a long time. A move was
then made for the Club, the route being via South
Mall, Pembroke Street, Wintrop Street, Patrick Street,
and Academy Street. The proceedings along the
route were enthusiastic ; handkerchiefs and All-for-
Ireland favours were waved from the windows, while
all along the line the crowds kept up a continuous
cheer. A large and enthusiastic gathering assembled
at Emmet Place outside the Club, and cheers were
again and again given for the visitors."

But the machinations of the Board of Erin were
too widespread, its opposition too determined. The
progress of the League was held up, and it came to
an end when in 1918 Mr. O'Brien withdrew from
Parliament.

Home Rule Bill, 1912

In 1912 the Home Rule Bill was introduced, and
was violently opposed in the north-east of Ulster ;
and in the autumn of that year the people there

IRELAND 49

entered into a solemn League and Covenant, pledging
themselves to resist a Home Rule Act : in other
words, to resist King and Parliament — by armed
force if necessary. Without going into the rights
and wrongs of the case, it is obvious that these
potential rebels set a very bad example — an example
which was followed later on by the Roman Catholic
Hierarchy, who told the people that they had a moral
right to resist the King and Parliament in the matter
of military service ; and it has been followed also by
Trades Unions, in advocating " direct action." When
a class, or a creed, or a minority, of any kind take up
arms to resist an Act of Parliament assented to by
the King, there is an end of constitutional repre-
sentative government.

In January of 1913 Sir Edward Carson moved in
the House of Commons for the exclusion of Ulster :
but this was rejected, and later in the month the
Home Rule Bill passed the Commons, but was
rejected by the Lords on the second reading. In
May the Government re-introduced their Bill, which
again passed the House of Commons, but was again
rejected by the Lords (on a motion by Lord Lans-
downe), who declined to proceed with it until it had
been submitted to the judgment of the country. I
spoke in that debate, stating that I was unable to
support the amendment ; but I pleaded for an honest
and sincere effort for settlement of the question by
consent through a Conference before the Bill came up
to the House of Lords for the third and last time.
Lord Lansdowne's amendment was put as a sub-
stantive motion, and agreed to.

In the following March (1914) the Bill was intro-
duced into the House of Commons for the third time,
and the Prime Minister (Mr. Asquith) laid before the
House proposals to meet the Ulster difficulty, by

VOL. II H

50 IRELAND

allowing each county, and the county boroughs of
Belfast and Londonderry, to decide by vote for ex-
clusion from, or inclusion in, the Home Rule scheme
for six years, after which period each was auto-
matically to come into the scheme. On behalf of the
Opposition, Mr. Bonar Law moved a vote of censure
on the Government for refusing to give complete
details of their exclusion proposals before proceeding
with the general Bill. But this was rejected, and on
April 6 the Home Rule Bill again passed its second
reading. On May 25 Mr. Asquith announced that an
Amending Bill would be introduced to provide for
the exclusion of Ulster, and to come into force simul-
taneously with the Home Rule Bill. The Home Rule
Bill passed its third reading on May 25 ; and the
promised Amending Bill was introduced in the House
of Lords on June 23.

I spoke in the debate on the second reading of
that Bill, advocating the summoning of a Conference
of Irishmen to suggest a reasonable settlement ; and
on the third reading (on July 14) I moved a clause to
enable the operation of the Home Rule Bill to be
suspended until a Commission had reported on the
constitutional relations of Ireland to the other parts
of the United Kingdom. This amendment was agreed
to, and, with some other amendments largely altering
the character of the measure, the Bill went to the
House of Commons on July 14. On July 20 a Con-
ference was summoned at Buckingham Palace, con-
sisting of two leaders from each of the parties inter-
ested. The Speaker presided, and the leaders chosen
were Mr. Asquith and Mr. Lloyd George ; Lord Lans-
downe and Mr. Bonar Law ; Mr. Redmond and Mr.
Dillon ; and Sir Edward Carson and Captain Craig.
The Conference sat for four days, but failed to come
to any agreement either in principle or in detail.

IRELAND 51

On July 30 the Amending Bill was due for second
reading in the House of Commons, but the Prime
Minister stated that while the issues of peace and
war for Europe were hanging in the balance the
House would not proceed with it or any other con-
troversial measures.

The Great War, of course, changed the com-
plexion of everything. The Amending Bill had been
deferred ; but difficulties arose — how was the sus-
pended legislation to be taken up again ? Lord
Lansdowne introduced a Bill to suspend proceeding
with certain controversial legislation during the con-
tinuance of the War. The Government did not,
however, adopt this course, and introduced a Bill to
suspend for a year, or later if the War continued, the
coming into force of the Home Rule Bill and other
Bills passed under the Parliament Act ; and this
measure passed both Houses. I could not take any
part in these discussions, for at the commencement
of hostilities I had fitted out a hospital ship, and was
serving in her.

On September 18 the Home Rule Bill received the
Royal Assent and became an Act, subject, of course,
to an Amending Bill, as promised by Mr. Asquith on
May 25.

Ireland and the Great War

The handling of Ireland at the outbreak of the
War was indescribably foolish. Ireland was aflame
with enthusiasm ; but the Government and the War
Office quenched the flames and stamped out the
embers. Mr. Redmond did what he could to control
the Irish Volunteers and to persuade Ireland that the
wisest course for her to pursue was to " pull her
weight " during the War, and show that, when Great

52 IRELAND

Britain was fighting for her life, Ireland could be
depended upon. I did my best to awaken Ireland to
a consciousness of the vast mistake she was making ;
and I published an " Open Letter " to my fellow-
countrymen, entitled " Ireland, Awake ! and Save
Yourself," appealing to Irishmen to enlist and fight
— to fight alongside Americans or Frenchmen if they
would not enlist in British regiments, and would not
even fill the Irish regiments, but to at least " fight,"
" for the honour of their country, and in the most
righteous cause for which men had ever fought."
Irishmen would have volunteered to a man if it had
not been for the buckets of cold water that were
thrown over them. Had the Military Service Act
been applied to Ireland when it was applied to Great
Britain, it would have met with no serious opposition.
People expected it, and were, in fact, bitterly dis-
appointed that they were exempted. It may be
difficult for the average Englishman to understand,
but the truth is that the way in which Irish enthusiasm
for the War and the desire of her people to enlist were
treated by the War Office and by the Government
completely soured the whole temper of the nation.
Irishmen honestly came to the conclusion that they
were not considered good fighting material and were
not wanted ; " had we been wanted," they said,
" surely we would have been taken." I spoke strongly
in the House of Lords in favour of the application of
the Military Service Act to Ireland, and in conse-
quence the Limerick Corporation struck my name off
the Roll of Freemen of the City — a proceeding of
doubtful legality. I am unrepentant. That leaders
in Ireland should have trusted in the gratitude and
sense of justice of Governments is perhaps too much
to expect ; but, nevertheless, had their vision been
clearer, had they realised that the rights of small

IRELAND 53

nations depended on the issue of the War, I believe
that, if Ireland had put herself aside in favour of so
great a cause and had done her best, sentiment
throughout the Empire, in the United States,
and among all the Allies would have been so
strongly in favour of her just demands that we
might have been spared the tragedy of the last
few years.

That the position of Ireland during the War was
peculiar must be admitted. Great Britain, in alliance
with France and Belgium, found herself engaged in a
life-and-death struggle, the principal object of which
was, or was said to be, to restrain rule by force, and
to maintain the right of small nations — in this case
specifically Belgium — to enjoy what has since been
called " self-determination." Ireland was a small
and weak nation, and was, and had been for many
centuries, kept in subjection by Great Britain. Had
Ireland been treated wisely at the inception of the
War, and if a word had been said to the effect that
after the War Ireland's rights as a small and weak
nation would be respected, all would have been well.
But nothing was said. Ireland was grievously mis-
handled, with the inevitable result that the young
and ardent men broke away from the Constitutional
Party, joined the Sinn Fein organisation, adopted
the line that " England's difficulty was Ireland's
opportunity," and that the opportunity should be
made the most of.

Nevertheless, Ireland — all Ireland — played an
important part during the War. The " Ulster "
propaganda has been so persistent and unfair that the
people of Great Britain have come to believe that Ulster
men alone volunteered for the War. The six counties
never cease appealing for support in their political
views on the ground of the splendid service of the

54 IRELAND

36th Division. It did render splendid service : but
it should not be forgotten that the 16th (the Southern)
Division fought and died shoulder to shoulder beside
them. It is impossible to estimate the number of
Irish that fought and perished, for they were scattered
throughout the whole Army. In the Irish regiments
about 2000 officers and 32,000 men of other ranks
lost their lives. Taking the average of fatal casualties
to combatants during the War, and judging by the
number of names sent in for war memorials in Dublin
and elsewhere, considerably more than half a million
of Irishmen must have served, not including those
serving in the Navy and Flying Corps. Amidst all
the heroism displayed in the War, I doubt if anything
can compare with the action of those Irish prisoners
in Germany who refused to desert. To suffer torture
and misery for months and months demands a sense
of duty perhaps superior to that displayed by one
who in hot blood performs an action that merits
and, if he is lucky, gives him the Victoria Cross.
Those Irishmen were subjected to all the horrors
experienced by prisoners of war ; and in their case
those horrors were intensified by their refusal to
desert to the enemy. They were offered freedom,
good treatment, and good pay, and everything that
could contrast most strongly with the horrible position
in which they found themselves. But with only, I
think, five or six exceptions, they preferred to suffer
and remain true to their Colours.

The Sinn Fein Movement

Sinn Fein as a political organisation commenced
its career in 1905, when the Intellectuals began to
make themselves felt. The originator of the move-
ment, Mr. Arthur Griffith, had established in Dublin

IRELAND 55

in 1899 a weekly paper called The United Irishman.
It appealed mainly to the young and to the Intel-
lectuals who were not in harmony with the moderate
demands of the Parliamentary Party. The develop-
ment of Irish industries was one of the foremost
objects of its programme. "Sinn Fein" is, I think,
literally translated " Ourselves," but it was held to
mean " self-help " — " self-dependence." As applied
to a nation, that connotes mutual help and mutual
trust, and in its inception Sinn Fein appealed strongly
to me. In 1902 Mr. Griffith took a further step,
and outlined what came to be known as the Hungarian
policy — in effect a demand that members for Irish
constituencies should abstain from attendance at
Westminster, which was " useless, degrading, and
demoralising," and that they should adopt the policy
of the Hungarian deputies of 1861, and, " refusing
to attend the British Parliament or to recognise its
right to legislate for Ireland, remain at home to help
in promoting Ireland's interests, and to aid in guarding
its national rights." He published in book form a
series of articles which he had contributed to The
United Irishman, entitled The Resurrection of Hungary,
expounding the details of the new policy. Finally,
Sinn Fein was formally inaugurated in Dublin in
November 1905 as a distinct Party, with a definite
policy of its own. The United Irishman ceased to
exist, and a new organ was established called Sinn
Fein.

The new organisation, however, made little pro-
gress in its earlier days, and exercised no consider-
able influence in affairs. In the Election of 1910
it took no part, and was at a low ebb. Gradually
it became moribund ; but with the advent of the
War in 1914 it reappeared, not, however, as the old
Sinn Fein movement, for the policy of dual kingdoms

56 IRELAND

was abandoned, and gave place to a policy of Re-
publicanism.

Then came the Rebellion of 1916. I and others
had warned the Government that conditions were
very serious ; but they made no preparation. The
Rebellion was not really important in itself : it was
put down easily. It had no great popular support,
and, had the episode been closed by the prompt
execution of one or two ringleaders, that would not
have been resented by the people. But executions
were dragged out over some weeks. Every now and
then a man or one or two men were taken out of
prison and shot — nobody knew why, or what the
specific charge against them was.

On the whole I think fifteen men were thus
executed during a period of some three weeks or more.
The people looked on that as evidence of malignant
hatred towards Ireland, and, naturally, responded
in malignant hatred towards Great Britain.

The Rebellion and its failure had remarkable
political results. The Lord - Lieutenant, the Chief
Secretary, and the Under-Secretary resigned. Mr.
Asquith paid a visit to Ireland, and on his return
expressed the view in the House of Commons that
" Castle Government had entirely broken down,"
and announced that at the request of the Cabinet
Mr. Lloyd George had undertaken the task of en-
deavouring to secure an agreement between the
Irish parties. The announcement received a sym-
pathetic response from Mr. Redmond and Sir Edward
Carson, and from Mr. William O'Brien, speaking for
the Independent Nationalists.

Mr. Lloyd George succeeded in his task, and on
July 10 the Prime Minister described the agreement
asa" golden opportunity of settling the Irish question,
an opportunity that will not recur." It was proposed

IRELAND 57

to set up a Home Rule Government in Dublin,
excluding the six north-eastern Ulster Counties and
the three Parliamentary Boroughs of Belfast, London-
derry, and Newry. The Irish House of Commons
was to consist of the Members of Parliament for the
Irish counties not excluded. Representation in the
Imperial House of Commons remained unchanged.
The Act was to remain in operation for twelve months
after the War, when the whole question was to be
reviewed.

The proposed temporary settlement, however,
met with opposition from the Conservative Party,
Lord Lansdowne and Mr. Bonar Law refusing to
agree to the condition retaining full Irish representa-
tion at Westminster during the War.

On July 24 the Prime Minister intimated to the
House changes in the proposals, namely, that the
Irish members at Westminster should be reduced in
number as soon as the Home Rule Parliament was
set up, but should be allowed to come back at full
strength when the temporary settlement came up
for review after the War. He also explained that
the exclusion of Ulster Counties and Boroughs was
permanent, unless, and until, they voluntarily came
in. Mr. Redmond moved the adjournment of the
House, stating that the Nationalists could not agree
to the proposed changes.

The Prime Minister replied that a Bill would not
be introduced unless the Irish Parties (Nationalists
and Unionists) were in agreement. As no such
agreement was reached, the proposals were dropped.
At the end of July Lord Wimborne returned to the
Viceroy alty with somewhat enlarged powers, Mr.
Duke, K.C. (a Unionist), being appointed Chief
Secretary.

In December 1916 Mr. Asquith resigned, and a

VOL. II I

58 IRELAND

Coalition Ministry was formed. Both Mr. Redmond
and Sir Edward Carson were invited to join the
Administration : the former declined ; the latter
accepted.

In 1917 a Convention was held in Dublin at the
request of the Government, with the wide Reference
to try and devise a Constitution for the future govern-
ment of Ireland within the Empire. The moment
was propitious, for the 36th Northern Division and
the 16th Division of the south of Ireland had frater-
nised. They had fought side by side, and died side
by side in the battles of the Somme.

The Government endeavoured to secure repre-
sentatives from the principal political parties, re-
ligious bodies, public and commercial bodies, and
Labour organisations, and, with the addition of 15
nominees of the Government, the membership of
the Convention consisted of 95 persons.

After August 1914 I was but little in this country,
being engaged in my hospital transport - carrier
Grianaig in the Mediterranean and elsewhere. But
in 1917, as she was then employed as an annexe to
Osborne Hospital, taking batches of convalescent
officers about the Solent, I was able to get away a
good deal, and attended many sittings of the Con-
vention, though not as many as I should have wished.
Sinn Fein, with perfect honesty, would have nothing
to say to it ; and had the people of North-East Ulster
been equally honest, they would not have participated
in it. They had no intention whatever of accepting
any conditions, and, in fact, during the Convention
the delegates merely held the position of having a
" watching brief." Mr. William O'Brien (as repre-
sentative of the All-for-Ireland Party) also refused
to attend the Convention — doubtless for reasons
which were in his eyes adequate ; and I have no

IRELAND 59

doubt that my other two friends with whom I had
so long worked — Mr. Tim Healy and Mr. Maurice
Healy — were actuated by the same motives. Never-
theless, I regretted, and still regret, their decision.
I had for several years been endeavouring to work
for a settlement on Federal lines. Mr. William
O'Brien and the two Healys were sympathetic to
that idea. If they had attended the Convention,
I think that, with the assistance of two such eminent
advocates, we might have made some impression.
But, being absolutely isolated, I could do very little
in my individual capacity. I worked in the Con-
vention, as far as I could, with the delegates of the
Unionists of southern Ireland. They were good
enough to invite me to attend their meetings and
conversations. They did not go quite as far as I
should have wished, but we worked cordially together.
The Convention came to nothing. It was far too
large. Where a round-table Conference of ten or a
dozen might have accomplished something, a Conven-
tion of close upon one hundred members, without any
definite subject, or subjects, to discuss, with set
speeches from a rostrum — every man anxious to air
his own views — had but a poor chance of success ;
and time was wasted. Lord Southborough, the Secre-
tary, who had had experience of the South African
Convention, was anxious that the Irish Convention
should be given the opportunity of talking as much
as it pleased and as long as it liked. In vain I
warned him of the difference in character of the two
peoples. For days we talked, and did nothing but
talk, and the Convention got completely out of hand.
It was not until October 11 that an effort was made
to get to business by the election of a Committee of
nine to consider proposals and draft a scheme. That
was sound business ; but it was spoiled. The Com-

60 IRELAND

mittee was not left to its own devices. The Chair-
man of the Convention asked Mr. Redmond to draft
a scheme for submission to the Committee. On his
very wise refusal, the Bishop of Raphoe undertook
the task, with the result that the Committee of nine
were confined to the consideration of that scheme.
I have nothing to say against the scheme of the Most
Reverend Prelate except that it limited and strangled
the Convention by precluding the consideration of
other schemes, and amongst them Mr. W. M. Murphy's
efforts to get Dominion Home Rule discussed.

Though the Convention, with the exception of the
Ulster delegates, very nearly came to an agreement,
it fizzled out in confusion. Members would not come
up to Dublin, or, if they did, they repaired to the
smoking-room. In the end, most of them had the
haziest notion what they were for or against; and
the Report was unsatisfactory. I signed the Report
of the majority of the Convention, but in doing so
added the following note :

"LI regret that no recommendation is made in
favour of a Grand Committee composed of Ulster
representatives in the new Irish Parliament, who
would be empowered to supervise legislative and
administrative action seriously affecting the interests
of that province.

" II. In my opinion Federalism is the best principle
upon which to base a Union that will give Ireland the
fullest measure of self-government, that will enable
the new Irish Constitution to fit into complete federa-
tion of the United Kingdom when the appropriate
time comes, and to form the consistent link in the
chain that may lead to Constitutional synthesis within
the Empire.

" III. I regret, therefore, that the Convention did
not proceed on more definite Federal lines ; but the
decisions arrived at are not incompatible with a

IRELAND 61

Federal system ; they mark reconciliation between
hitherto antagonistic bodies of public opinion ; they
indicate the lines which legislation should follow, and
I accept them without further reservation."

In December 1918 the General Election took place ;
and that Election formed a distinct point of departure
in the history of Ireland. It closed a long chapter
of Irish politics ; for it resulted in the complete
obliteration of constitutional Nationalism. The right
of small nations, or of distinct communities, to de-
termine their own form of government within limits
had emerged from theory and had become a recog-
nised fact. Schemes based on federation had, for the
time at any rate, to be abandoned. It became
evident that complete autonomy, subject only to the
condition that Ireland remained within the circum-
ference of the Empire, was the only basis upon which
an agreed settlement could be built. Sinn Fein was
amply supplied with funds, and held the definite
policy that Ireland was an independent State and
had a right to self-determination. Mr. de Valera was
elected President of the Irish Republic by a Sinn
Fein Convention held in Dublin in October 1917,
being proposed by Mr. Arthur Griffith, who had
been President of Sinn Fein for six years ; and pro-
ceeded to form a Cabinet and set up a Parliament
in Dublin under the name of Dail Eireann, with a
Ministry responsible to it. When Dail Eireann met
in April 1919 he was again chosen President. The
Republicans did not attempt to throw Great Britain
out of Ireland by force ; their policy was to render
British administration and government of the country
impossible ; and in that they succeeded. Sinn Fein
also advanced a claim to be heard at the Peace
Conference in Paris, but nobody paid any attention
to it.

62 IRELAND

The Times, with clear vision of the situation and
of its necessities, had consistently and strenuously
pressed for an effort at settlement on most liberal
terms, and had put forward a definite scheme. During
1918-19 it was good enough to publish various con-
tributions from me, making suggestions for solving
the Irish tangle. To attempt to apportion blame
between Governments and Departments in their folly,
and Ireland in her fatal failure to see the difference
between " self "-determination and " selfish "-deter-
mination, was fruitless. But the inevitable conse-
quences of Ireland's conduct during the War in stiffen-
ing the attitude of those whose only policy was to
maintain the Union as it was, and " govern the
country," could not be lost sight of. That policy
was, to my mind, a mere counsel of despair, a con-
fession of the bankruptcy of statesmanship, a serious
handicap to the moral standing of our negotiators in
the great task of world-reconstruction. I urged that
a scheme for the better government of Ireland drawn
on the most liberal lines ought to be placed before
the Irish people, and that, if they refused it, Ireland
should be administered in accordance with the prin-
ciple of the scheme under some form of Crown Colony
government — in trust, as it were, until the Irish people
were prepared to take over government themselves.
I also suggested the possibility of referring the political
question to some external authority. Though ad-
mitting that many and cogent objections existed to
submitting the Irish political problem to the Peace
Conference or to a League of Nations, I thought the
Prime Ministers of the Dominions, then in Paris,
might have been consulted — perhaps unofficially — and
I demurred to the plea that to do so involved too
great a renunciation of sovereign rights on the part
of Great Britain. The Irish problem, I said, primarily

IRELAND 63

concerned the people of the United Kingdom ; but it
was questionable whether a problem profoundly re-
acting throughout the Empire ought to be looked
upon as purely domestic. Undoubtedly, if the case
of Ireland versus Great Britain could have been heard
before some impartial and sufficiently august tribunal,
the advantages would have been great, for in the
process the real issue would have been cleansed of all
the nonsense with which perfervid agitators sought
to delude the Irish in the Dominions and in the
United States into believing that the condition of
Irishmen in Ireland was similar to that of Armenians
in Turkey or of other persecuted races. The naked
issue — Ireland's right to self-determination — would
have stood out clear. Self-determination has never,
so far as I know, been denned ; but the ex-President
of the United States had said that individual interests
and common interests must be considered together.1
That is a sound doctrine, and would have been
accepted as sound by any competent tribunal.

The Government of Ireland Bill, 1920

The Government of Ireland Bill was introduced in
March 1920, and I was in hopes that, judging by the
Prime Minister's speech on the first reading, the
measure would have been on somewhat federal lines :
but it was not. It contained two fatal errors — first,
the vivisection of Ulster and the attempt to create
a small Protestant enclave, against which I protested
in the House of Lords and in the Press, and, second,
the insufficient powers granted to Ireland. I did not

1 (Extract from speech by President Wilson in New York on the occasion
of the opening of the fourth American " Liberty Loan," September 27, 1918.)

** No special or separate interest of any single nation or any group of
nations can be made the basis of any part of the settlement which is not
consistent with the common interest of all."

64 IRELAND

object to the " dual " system introduced by the
Government. I was, of course, always against the
partition of Ireland, and said so over and over again
in speeches and in letters : but I did not entirely
agree with my friends of the Anti-Partition League.
An All-Ireland Parliament was obviously impossible
at the moment, and I considered that the establish-
ment of an Irish Parliament and the exclusion of
any part of Ireland from it, leaving that part under
the Act of Union, was partition in a worse form than
in the creation in Ireland of two Parliaments. If
Northern Ireland had a Parliament of its own, it would
be Irish not only geographically but legislatively, and,
as a consequence, economically and socially. Northern
Ireland an annexe of Great Britain would be Irish,
but only geographically. The only way to arrive at
ultimate unity was, in my opinion, to begin by duality ;
moreover, two Parliaments, or half-a-dozen Parlia-
ments, would be quite compatible with Federalism.
I was therefore quite ready to support the Bill, with
certain exceptions and amendments which I had
reason to believe would be made.

Both in the House of Lords and in letters to the
Press I protested vehemently against cutting up
Ulster. If there were to be two Parliaments, there
must be one for Ulster and one for the rest of Ireland ;
and I practically gave up all hopes of the Bill when
the Government declared that the Northern Parlia-
ment was to consist of six counties of Ulster and the
Southern Parliament of the remaining twenty-six
counties, two of which are situated in the extreme
north. It tended to divide Ireland into Protestant
and Roman Catholic ; and I hate and abominate
religious limitations. It relieved the Northern Parlia-
ment of its poorest and most necessitous counties
and transferred them to the Southern Parliament.

IRELAND 65

It broke up ancient ties and boundaries, and outraged
history and tradition.

In June of the same year Lord Monteagle brought
in a Bill in the House of Lords to carry out the views
of the Dominion League. I objected very strongly
to the measure, and moved its rejection, for it seemed
to me that, so far from effecting a settlement, it simply
invited difficulties by placing Ireland in a position
which was not natural to her. In the course of my
speech I said :

" The Dominion status is not compatible with the
relations — social, economic, commercial, and political
— existing between two communities so closely con-
nected geographically, and in every other way, as are
Great Britain and Ireland. No analogy can be drawn
between Ireland and the Dominions. The latter have
grown up from the infancy of small colonies. Ireland
never was a colony, and cannot be a colony. She was
a kingdom, ought to have remained a kingdom, ought
to be a kingdom. The 6 Dominion ' of Ireland says
nothing to me. The ' Kingdom ' of Ireland says
much."

I considered that the operative machinery would
prove inefficient, and would break down. I argued
that the proposal cut right across my federal path,
and for that, if for no other reason, I felt bound to
reject it. Ireland was being offered not Dominion
status, but Dominion status minus a great deal — a
sort of " shoddy " Dominion status.

Later in the month I expressed these views in
letters to the Times : I said that Ireland ought not
to have been deprived of her status of a kingdom ;
that that status should be confirmed and a union of
a federal character entered into between the two
kingdoms ; that my ideal was that Ireland should
have been given her own Parliament and Executive

VOL. II K

66 IRELAND

dependent upon it, and representation at West-
minster ; that in return Ireland should surrender the
major attributes of sovereignty to the Central body at
Westminster. I regarded the dual system as a
necessary transition stage, and I pointed out the
impossibility of framing at the present moment any
statute suitable for all time, as much would depend
upon the form that devolution would take in Great
Britain, and upon the character that the Second
Chamber of the Central Parliament would assume.

Early in September I published, and circulated
widely, a pamphlet entitled The Crisis in Ireland —
Federal Union through Devolution. It consisted of a
reprint of three long letters which I had contributed
to the Times in July, as well as the speech which I
had delivered in the House of Lords on Lord Mont-
eagle's Bill. I dealt with the consequences of the
Government's determination to postpone further con-
sideration of their Bill to an Autumn Session ; with
the root-causes of discontent in Ireland ; and with
the falsity of the argument that to propose any
measure of political reform to a country in a state of
anarchy is dangerous and unwise. I again urged the
Government to extend the scope and powers to be
transferred, to acknowledge Ireland's nationality, and
to grant full fiscal control, which Ireland properly
regarded as the essential symbol of nationality. The
decision of the Government to postpone further con-
sideration of the Bill until an Autumn Session was
most regrettable, for it not only knocked the feet
from under those who had maintained that the Bill,
though faulty in many respects, was an honest effort
to deal with the situation, but hardened into con-
viction the suspicions of the Irish people that the
Government had no intention of passing it. As I
stated in a letter to the Times, it required no genius

IRELAND 67

to foresee that during the interval of four months
between June 28 (the last day on which the Bill was
discussed in the Commons) and the commencement
of the Autumn Session on October 19, the situation
in Ireland would rapidly grow worse. " The breakers
were visible, and the ship driving towards them.
Those responsible for her safety had been wrangling
about the position, and had done nothing to avert
calamity in full sight. She was on the rocks, in
danger of breaking up, and nothing but prompt action
could save her." Had she been allowed to drift in
ignorance or by design ? It was not surprising that
in Ireland the latter theory prevailed. It was indeed
incomprehensible how, without some sinister object,
any Government, with their eyes open and experience
to guide them, could have allowed Ireland to drift
into the unprecedented condition that then prevailed,
and I again urged the necessity of a frank offer without
delay, for public opinion was fluid, and a clear firm
offer of autonomy as an alternative to republican
independence might solidify it ; nothing else would.

When discussion of the Bill was resumed in the
House of Commons in October, a small group in the
House did what they could to induce the Government
to grant Ireland increased financial powers ; and
Colonel the Hon. Walter Guinness moved an amend-
ment designed to confer on Irish Parliaments control
of Customs and Excise. But the Government refused.

On November 23 the Government of Ireland Bill
came up for Second Reading in the House of Lords,
and I moved an amendment declining to proceed with
it, on the ground that it met with no support from the
great majority of the Irish people and afforded no
prospect of any permanent settlement. The Bill as
it came up completely demolished all my hopes of a
federal or any other kind of settlement. Ulster had

68 IRELAND

been cut to pieces : six counties had practically the
power to keep Ireland disunited for ever ; and the
financial provisions of the Bill were quite inadequate.
It was absolutely essential that both Parliaments
should be fairly satisfied with the powers entrusted
to them, and necessary, therefore, as the Southern
Parliament required it, that Ireland should be given
complete fiscal and financial control. " The Bill was
designed to build a bridge of amity between the two
islands ; but the keystone of the arch — fiscal and
financial control — had been left out." Mainly for these
reasons I practically moved the rejection of the Bill.

I was taken to task by the Lord Chancellor for
having changed my mind as regards the Bill. But
that was not correct. I had always said that it
lacked the vital element of fiscal and financial con-
trol. It is true that, as the Lord Chancellor quoted,
I did say in the earlier part of the year, " Why
clamour to scrap the Government Bill ? " but he
omitted to add that I followed my inquiry by saying
that the Bill could, by amendment, be brought up
to the grant of full autonomy, fiscal and financial ;
that His Majesty's Government knew that full
autonomy was the only alternative to moral, social,
and economic ruin ; and that, if they preferred the
former, it was their duty to put their proposals into
concrete shape in an amended Bill.

Lord Midleton urged the postponement of the
debate, in order to see whether a settlement could
not be arrived at on the lines suggested by the large
body of opinion in the south and west of Ireland, and
he moved the adjournment of the debate for a fort-
night. But Lord Curzon asked the House to accept the
Bill as the Government's contribution to the solution
of the Irish problem — the responsibility for the destiny
of Ireland would then pass to the Irish. My Amend-

IRELAND 69

ment was lost by 164 to 75 ; but among the 75 were
28 peers closely connected with Ireland. The Motion
for the adjournment was also defeated by 177 to 91.

To all our protestations the Government paid
no heed ; and the Bill became law, with no material
alterations from the form in which it was introduced.
Its rejection by the Irish people was certain, and
I was filled with despair. The ignorance of the
Government was incredible, and to those who under-
stood the psychology of Irishmen the New Year
opened without hope, and the outlook was of the
darkest. And yet the Chief Secretary (Sir Hamar
Greenwood) assured the world that he knew no anxiety
for the future, but had a " reasoned and justifiable "
optimism . . . that in six months' time two Parlia-
ments would be working in Ireland, and that that
would prove to be " the opening of the happiest chapter
of the history of Ireland." Was ever the optimism
of a Government doomed to so dismal a failure !

In a letter which I addressed to the Times on New
Year's Day * I dealt somewhat fully with the Govern-
ment's failure to deal with the Irish problem.

I admitted that the problem confronting the
Government was very difficult. Ulster delegates to
the Convention of 1917 having refused to even con-
sider a proposal for a Grand Committee which would
have given them practical independence in an Irish
Parliament, with a statutory right to come out and
set up for themselves if they so desired, and as Ulster
was not to be coerced, His Majesty's Government had
wisely decided upon two Parliaments, with an open
door leading to unity. The idea was sound, but its
validity depended upon two considerations : firstly,
that both Parliaments, in administering the Act,
should have an equal chance of success ; and secondly,

1 See Appendix IV.

70 IRELAND

that effective means for arriving at unity should be
provided in the Council. But, unfortunately, when the
Bill came before the Lords both of these conditions
had been nullified by financial clauses unsatisfactory
to the southern area, and by confining the northern
area to six counties, with equal representation on the
Council, thereby rendering the minority capable of
making duality perpetual, and of dooming the majority
to Crown Colony government under the sanction of
martial law.

It appeared extraordinary to me, I said, that, found-
ing their Bill upon their theory of a distinct cleavage,
and after making it suitable only to a minority which
they described as alien to the majority in race, religion,
and ideals, the Government should have expressed
astonishment that it did not suit that majority. I
further expressed the belief that, had the present Act
provided that, as Irish revenue exceeded expenditure,
the time had come to give Ireland control over ex-
penditure and taxation, the Bill might have been
accepted as the basis of a firm settlement.

I reiterated what I have frequently endeavoured
to impress upon the public — (1) that from the time
of Henry VIII. to the Act of Union Ireland was " a
kingdom," and that, therefore, the " status " of
dominion was inconsistent with her position ; (2)
that for the dual system to lead to unity, both Legis-
latures must be satisfied with the powers conferred
upon them; (3) that such powers should be limited
only by the conditions laid down by the Govern-
ment in their Reference to the Convention.

And I laid stress upon my belief that if Ireland
were restored to her individuality as a " kingdom,"
an " atmosphere " favourable to a settlement would be
created. The full text of the letter is in the Appendix.

1921 was only a day old when the first official

IRELAND 71

reprisals — the burning of some houses at Midleton,
Co. Cork — were announced ; and almost simultane-
ously there was an extension of the Martial Law area
in Ireland to the counties of Clare, Kilkenny, Water-
ford, and Wexford.

Parliament met in the middle of February, and
the Speech from the Throne disclosed an unalterable
determination on the part of Ministers to persist in
their Irish policy. I was abroad at the time, and could
not, therefore, take part in the debate in the Lords
when the Archbishop of Canterbury called attention to
the absence of detailed information about important
incidents in Ireland, and moved for papers. The
Lord Chancellor replied that the mischiefs existing in
Ireland could only be cured by the assertion of force in
its most vigorous form. The motion was withdrawn.

But the mischief did not yield to the remedy
of force. Reprisals were met by reprisals ; violence
and assassination increased ; conditions grew worse
and worse, and it became evident that the optimism
which the Government had displayed on the passing
of the Government of Ireland Bill was doomed to
develop into pessimism. I hoped against hope that
the Government would yet allow reason to prevail
before the elections under the Bill took place in
May, and would announce proposals of a conciliatory
character ; and Southern Unionists and others did all
they could to urge the Government to postpone the
elections. All in vain ; regardless of all warnings
from those who spoke for moderate opinion in Ireland,
the Government pursued their own course.

A few days before the elections Sir James Craig
informally met Mr. de Valera, and our hopes rose ;
but nothing followed.

The elections took place, and resulted, of course,
in a sweeping victory for Sinn Fein. The Act was

72 IRELAND

rejected except by the six counties in north-east
Ulster and by Dublin University. In " Northern "
Ireland Unionists returned members for forty seats
out of fifty-two. For the remaining twelve seats six
Nationalists were returned and six Sinn Feiners. Nearly
one-fourth of the members elected for the Northern
Parliament were pledged to take no part in the work-
ing of the new Act, and, of course, refused to take
their seats. In " Southern " Ireland all the members
elected, except the four representatives of Dublin
University, were also pledged to repudiate the Act.

Mr. de Valera was again nominated President of
the Republic, and he in turn nominated the same
Cabinet as before. The same policy of endeavouring
to substitute their Courts for the ordinary Courts, and
to make administration impossible, was continued :
and it succeeded. It must in fairness be admitted
that where Sinn Fein Courts were allowed to operate
they administered fair and impartial justice, they
acted with great promptitude, they kept order, and
they punished offences. The effect which this pro-
duced on moderate opinion in Ireland, and probably
in England also, was salutary, for it proved that
Irishmen possessed governing capacity, and that the
people obeyed the law when satisfied with its origin.

About the same time the election of Senators for
both the Northern and the Southern Parliaments took
place. Under the Government of Ireland Act the
members of the Southern Senate were to be elected by
Archbishops or Bishops of the Roman Catholic Church
and Church of Ireland, by Peers and Privy Coun-
cillors who were tax-payers or rate-payers in respect
of property in, and having residences in, Southern
Ireland, and by members of County Councils voting
together as provinces. The latter, however, took no
part in the elections. I was one of the sixteen who

IRELAND 73

were elected by the Peers. But we and members
elected by the Privy Councillors found ourselves in a
somewhat anomalous position, and I and eighteen
other Senators addressed to the Government the
following memorial :

" We, the undersigned, having been elected to serve
in the Senate of Southern Ireland, desire to place it on
record that in accepting such appointment we do so
with the intention of exercising the fullest freedom of
action as to the powers to be hereafter granted to the
Parliament and Government of Southern Ireland.

" We are of opinion that the powers given under the
present Act are insufficient to enable the Government
of Southern Ireland to be carried on with any prospect
of success ; and, having regard to the speech of the
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland at Belfast on June 7, we
urge upon his Majesty's Government that the earliest
possible steps should be taken to recast the Act.1

' 'We desire further to make it clear that we are
ready to act in a Second Chamber with a Lower House
sitting constitutionally as representing a majority of
the electors, but we are not prepared to exercise
functions in connection with any body nominated by
the Lord Lieutenant to replace an elected Lower
House.

Desart. Mayo.

De Freyne. Bryan Mahon.

donoughmore. mldleton.

dunraven. oranmore and browne.

w. j. goulding. powerscourt

Granard. Rathdonnell.

holmpatrick. sligo.

Inchiquin. Thomas Stafford.

Walter M. Kavanagh. Wicklow."

Kenmare.

1 Referring to the Act, the Lord-Lieutenant had described it as very
imperfect, and had said that it wanted amending, and that he would not be
surprised if it was amended in the not very far distant future.

VOL. II L

74 IRELAND

On Tuesday, June the 21st, a debate initiated in
the House of Lords on the previous Thursday by
Lord Donoughmore was continued. He had moved :

" That this House is of opinion that the situa-
tion in Ireland urgently requires that His Majesty's
Government should determine forthwith what amend-
ments they are prepared to propose, and authorise
negotiations to be opened on such terms as they
think calculated to terminate the present deadlock."

Most urgent appeals to the Government to revise
their policy were made by Lord Donoughmore,
Lord Desart, Lord Midleton, Lord Crewe, myself and
others.

I pointed out * the difficulty of any one not in-
timately acquainted with Ireland fully comprehending
the appalling chaos, state of crime, and negation of
all law in Ireland, and gave it as my opinion that
deliverance could only come by remedial legislation,
amending the Act in the direction in which, ever since
the Bill had been introduced, moderate opinion had
been urging upon His Majesty's Government — par-
ticularly in connection with the financial clauses.

I held that, throughout, the Government had
made the fatal mistake of not appealing direct to the
people of Ireland. They had expressed a desire to
treat with " accredited representatives " ; but as they
did not and could not recognise the Irish Republic,
no representatives existed accredited to speak for the
people of Ireland. A liberal measure as regards fiscal
and financial autonomy would undoubtedly have been
accepted six months ago, and I urged that the
introduction of an amending Bill at once might not
be too late. Force would accomplish nothing, and
there was no justification for placing twenty - six

1 See Appendix V.

IRELAND 75

counties of Ireland under military dictatorship until
every means within the limits of security for the
United Kingdom and the integrity of the Empire
had been tried. And I gave it as my opinion that
up to the present " nothing has been tried."

In conclusion I entreated His Majesty's Govern-
ment to accept the motion before the House, and to
act upon it.

But the Government were adamant, and gave no
indication of any change ; indeed, all they said pointed
in the reverse direction, and the faint hope that even
at the eleventh hour wiser counsels would prevail
was swept away by a speech by the Lord Chancellor.

But a complete change in the situation was
imminent. On the following day the King opened
the Northern Parliament, and made that memorable
speech in which he appealed to all Irishmen " to
pause, to stretch out the hand of forbearance and
conciliation, to forgive and to forget, and to join in
making for the land which they love a new era of
peace, contentment, and good-will," and to reach
" a satisfactory solution of the age-long Irish problems
which for generations embarrassed their forefathers
as they now weigh heavily upon us." An epoch-
making appeal, which gave birth to events of far-
reaching importance to Ireland, and not only to
Ireland, but to the Empire, and perhaps to the world.
As the Times said in its leading article, it was " a
triumph of statesmanship — the statesmanship that
is great enough to be human, and obviously sincere."
It produced a very rapid change. On the Tuesday
the Government had returned a non possumus reply
to our entreaties to be wise in time ; and two
days after the King had made his historic speech
the Government, " deeply anxious that the King's
appeal for reconciliation in Ireland should not have

76 IRELAND

been made in vain," addressed invitations to Mr.
de Valera, as " the chosen leader of the great majority
in Southern Ireland," and to Sir James Craig to attend
a Conference in London, " to explore to the utmost
the possibility of a settlement " !

The invitation of the Government, though dated
Friday June 24, did not appear in the Press until
Sunday the 26th, and when on Friday the 24th I
addressed the following communication to the Times,
I was in ignorance of the dramatic departure from
the policy so emphatically announced earlier in the
week. The attitude of the Government in the
debate on the preceding Tuesday had filled me
with the utmost despair. The situation seemed so
serious, and the decision of the Government so
appalling, that I decided to write a letter,1 which the
Times was good enough to publish. I was hopeless,
and considered it my "swan-song" — so far as
Ireland was concerned.

I said that the tragedy of Ireland was daily in-
creasing in intensity, and that even the faint hope
that at the eleventh hour wiser counsels would
prevail had been killed by the Lord Chancellor's
speech in the House of Lords. I pointed out how,
both in legislation and in administration, the Govern-
ment had completely failed. As far back as 1916,
though repeatedly warned, they had refused to
recognise the gravity of the situation, and, when it
became necessary to employ military force, they had
neglected to put the forces of the Crown, including
the police, under one command. The splitting up of
authority among officers independent of each other
foredoomed the measures taken to failure.

It appeared only just to have dawned upon the
Government that a state of war existed. Had that

1 See Appendix VI.

IRELAND 77

been recognised long ago, all the bitter hatred en-
gendered by an abominable system of reprisals would,
in my opinion, have been avoided, since no complaint
of the consequences incidental to a state of war
would have been made.

As far as legislation was concerned, I pointed out
that the Government appeared determined to wreck
their own Bill. In consideration of conditions in
Ulster, I was fully in accord with the dual system
upon which the Bill was founded ; but in my opinion,
in order for unity to be achieved, it was necessary
for both Parliaments to function, and, unfortunately,
long before the Bill had passed through the House
of Commons, it was evident that its financial clauses
would preclude the Southern Parliament from accept-
ing it.

In framing a Bill to suit a minority in the north-
east, the Government could never have had the
slightest doubt as to its rejection in Southern Ireland.
Both the Sinn Fein Party and Constitutional Nation-
alists had plainly stated its rejection, whilst Unionist
opinion had found similar expression in both Houses
and elsewhere. Yet, notwithstanding this volume of
opinion, the Government had insisted that Southern
Ireland should accept the Act as it stood, and it
seemed to me that the time had now come to appeal
to the British people.

No one attempted to deny that the Act of Union
had proved a failure, and it now only remained to
prove that Ireland's claim to self-determination and
Great Britain's claim to self-preservation were not
irreconcilable.

In my opinion, had an attempt been made to grant
Ireland self-determination " within the Empire,"
her extreme claim to complete separation would
never have been made : nor should the Prime Minister's

78 IRELAND

letter be forgotten, in which he requested the Con-
vention " to submit to the British Government a
constitution for the future government of Ireland
within the Empire," whereby he accepted Ireland's
claim to self-determination within certain limits.
It was greatly to be regretted that upon the failure
of the Convention the Government had not made
any definite offer to the Irish people. It was no longer
a question whether fiscal or financial control was,
or was not, convenient, but rather that the granting
of such control to both Parliaments was the sole
alternative to military rule. It might even be that,
if made now, the offer would come six months too
late ; but it should be made nevertheless.

It was, I argued, the bounden duty of the Govern-
ment to place without delay before the Irish people
the most comprehensive offer, within the limits
laid down by the Prime Minister for the security of
Great Britain — a policy which moderate opinion had
never ceased to urge during the past eighteen months.

I further expressed the belief that force would
be held justifiable, both by Great Britain and Ireland,
to put down secession ; but in no other eventuality
was it justifiable to place twenty-six counties of
Ireland under military dictatorship — at any rate
until every attempt had been made within reasonable
limits to satisfy them.

In conclusion, I still dared to hope that the sum-
moning of the Southern Parliament would be post-
poned until September 20, and that before that date
an interchange of views might lead to an Amending
Act which would enable both Parliaments to function.

To revert to the Government's invitation to Mr.
de Valera and Sir James Craig. Before giving a
definite reply, Mr. de Valera invited Sir James Craig,

IRELAND 79

Lord Midleton, Sir Maurice Dockrcll, Sir Robert
Woods, and Mr. Andrew Jameson, to a Conference
at the Mansion House, Dublin, stating that the
reply which he would make to the invitation was
one which would affect the lives and fortunes of the
political minority no less than those of the majority.
Sir James Craig declined, on the ground that he had
already accepted the Prime Minister's invitation to
a Conference in London. The others invited did,
however, confer with Mr. de Valera, and on July 8
he replied to the Prime Minister that he was ready
to discuss on what basis a conference could reasonably
hope to achieve the object desired. On the following
day a truce was declared ; and three days later the
first of the informal talks between the Prime Minister
and Mr. de Valera took place, which, though a basis
for a formal Conference was not found, resulted
in the Government putting down (on July 20), in
black and white, definite proposals on which they
were prepared to negotiate. Had they been put
forward in response to moderate opinion a year
previously, an infinity of trouble might — and probably
would — have been avoided.

Mr. de Valera replied on August 10, stating that
Sinn Fein could not accept the conditions ; and he
described the Dominion status offered as " illusory."
In reply, Mr. Lloyd George said that the Government
could not go beyond their proposals. At the same
time General Smuts wrote (on the eve of his return
to South Africa) a remarkable letter to Mr. de Valera,
urging the Sinn Fein Government to accept the
Government offer, and to leave Ulster to herself.

Then followed a protracted correspondence between
the Prime Minister and Mr. de Valera, making
confusion worse confounded, which ended in the
Prime Minister, to the dismay of all Ireland,

80 IRELAND

cancelling the proposed meeting, at Inverness, on
September 20.

Some more fencing took place, but without result,
and a complete breakdown seemed inevitable, which
would have been too appalling. For my own part,
I had disagreed with the attitude taken up by the
Government. I did not think it necessary for them
to insist upon any special negations or assertions
before going into a Conference. My views were set
forth in a letter in which, after expressing my dismay
at the cancelling of the Conference, and that Mr.
Lloyd George's attitude should have caused Mr. de
Valera to define his position by contending that the
Irish plenipotentiaries should enter the Conference
as representatives of a " sovereign and independent
State," I nevertheless expressed the hope that some
"mutually satisfactory formula" could still be found.
In my opinion all that was necessary was that the
principle of complete separation was " not to be
argued, but need not be abandoned as a condition
precedent to a Conference," that " discussion must be
free, both parties retaining their right to revert to
pre-Conference attitudes in the event of failure,"
and that, as "neither Mr. Lloyd George nor Mr. de
Valera were dictators," ultimately the two peoples
must decide.

Finally, on September 29 the Prime Minister
telegraphed to Mr. de Valera saying that no purpose
was to be served by any further interchange of
explanatory and argumentative communications, that
the Government remained keenly anxious to make,
in co-operation with Sinn Fein delegates, another
determined effort to explore every possibility of
settlement by personal discussion, and that as they
felt that conference, not correspondence, was the
most practical and hopeful way to an understanding,

IRELAND 81

they sent a fresh invitation to a Conference in London
on October 11.

Mr. de Valera accepted the invitation, the " re-
spective positions having been stated and being
understood," and on October 11 the first meeting of
the Conference took place at 10 Downing Street.
The Irish delegates, nominated by Mr. de Valera and
his Cabinet, and approved by Dail Eireann at a
private session, consisted of Mr. Arthur Griffith,
Mr. Michael Collins, Commandant R. G. Barton,
Commandant E. Duggan, and Mr. G. Gavan Duffy.
The British delegates to the Conference were Mr.
Lloyd George, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, Lord Birken-
head, Mr. Winston Churchill, Sir L. Worthington-
Evans, Sir Hamar Greenwood, and Sir Gordon
He wart (now Lord He wart).

The great majority of the people of Ireland hoped
much from the Conference ; they desired a settlement
and a peace — a " peace with honour " ; and when
on Wednesday, December 7, the newspapers published
the text of the proposed Treaty,1 signed by the
plenipotentiaries, a great wave of relief spread through-
out the country. Only those who were in Ireland
at the time can conceive the satisfaction with which
it was at once hailed by the great majority of the
people, who saw that the Treaty would give to
Ireland far more than the "Home Rule" for which
she had struggled so long, and which (outside the
six counties of North-East Ulster) she was prepared
to accept as recently as July 1916. They saw in it
that Ireland would be enabled to be mistress of her
own destiny — a nation, with complete control of her
own affairs, with full fiscal and financial autonomy,
yet at the same time an honoured member of a great
Commonwealth of Nations. Much surprise was there-

1 See Appendix VII.
VOL. II M

82 IRELAND

fore created when on December the 8th Mr. de Valera
issued a statement " To the Irish People," after a
meeting of the Cabinet of Dail Eireann, in which he
said that the terms of the Agreement were in
" violent conflict with the wishes of the majority of
the nation as expressed freely in successive elections
during the past three years," and that he could not
recommend acceptance. He summoned a meeting
of the Dail for December the 14th, the same day on
which the proposed Agreement was to come before
the British Parliament. On the other hand, Mr.
Arthur Griffith issued to the Press the following
statement :

" I have signed a Treaty of Peace between Ireland
and Great Britain. I believe that Treaty will lay
the foundation of peace and friendship between the
two nations. What I have signed I shall stand by,
in the belief that the end of the conflict of centuries
is at hand."

And with this statement Mr. Michael Collins stated
that he was " in absolute agreement."

I was at Adare when on December the 8th I
received a telegram from Lord Curzon, on behalf of
the Government, informing me that Lord Morley had
consented to move the Address at the meeting of
Parliament on December 14, and inviting me to
second it. I replied that I would be glad to do so.

The terms of the Motion were :

That an humble Address be presented to His
Majesty as followeth —

" Most Gracious Sovereign, — We, Your Majesty's
most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual
and Temporal of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, beg
leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious

IRELAND 83

Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both
Houses of Parliament.

" Having taken into consideration the Articles of
Agreement presented to us by Your Majesty's com-
mand, we are ready to confirm and ratify these
Articles in order that the same may be established
for ever by the mutual consent of the peoples of
Great Britain and Ireland, and we offer to Your
Majesty our humble congratulations on the near
accomplishment of that work of reconciliation to
which Your Majesty has so largely contributed."

The debate took place on December 14, 15, and
16, and many notable speeches were delivered, among
them a very wise one by Lord Morley and a very
violent one by Lord Carson. The Lord Chancellor
made a great speech in reply.

I insert my speech in the text because it is, to me
at any rate, interesting as indicating my appreciation
of the victory won for Ireland, and my ignorance of
the force of petty and personal objections to be raised
against it.

" My Lords, in rising to second the Motion before
your Lordships' House, I do so with a very keen
consciousness of the great privilege that has been
accorded to me in following the veteran statesman
whose distinguished career has been so intimately
connected with the cause of Ireland, both in the
political aspect, the grant of self-governing power,
and in respect of the liberal settlement of the once
very vexed Land Question, and with all other matters
connected with the welfare of the country. And I
am conscious also of the very slender claim that I
have upon that privilege afforded me. I, as a private
and independent member of your Lordships' House,
have done what I could, but have done very little,
to further a settlement of what has been for so long,
but will no longer be, the Irish question.

84 IRELAND

" I could do nothing else. I was actuated primarily,
no doubt, by affection for the country of my birth,
by great sympathy for the people in the pathetic
tragedy of their history, and by admiration of their
great tenacity of purpose. But I was actuated by
many other motives also. I believed that the people
of Great Britain — a just and large-hearted people —
were ignorant of the real causes of the perpetual dis-
content in Ireland, and did not understand the people
on the other side of the Channel. And of later years
it has seemed to me that the reconstruction of society
after the Great War and the peace of the world were
very largely in the hands of the great Commonwealth
of Nations that we call the Empire, and perhaps
depended entirely upon a complete understanding on
essential principles between the Empire and the great
Republic across the Atlantic. And, as it seemed to
me, the one obstacle that stood between those two
great Powers for good, acting in unison and accord,
was the discord existing between Great Britain and
Ireland. I wanted to do what I could to turn that
discord into harmony ; and, though I have done but
very little, we have now before us a measure that will
surely bring it about.

" Until the last few days I should have had to admit
that all the great work that others have done, and the
little that I have done myself, had utterly failed ;
that the cause we advocated was a lost cause ; and
that failure was complete. Your Lordships may re-
member that just about a year ago I moved an
Amendment to the Second Reading to the Bill of
1920 in this House. I do not want to allude to that
except to say that after that debate I admit I left
this House in complete despair. I thought that the
last possibility of an offer that might be accepted and
might save bloodshed was gone ; I thought I was

IRELAND 85

doomed to see Ireland suppressed by military force,
wrecked and ruined in the process. For though I
very well knew that military force was bound to
prevail, I knew, too, that it would be after a bitter
struggle, and afterwards a settlement by military
force could never be a real settlement. What was I
to look to in the future but the renewal of the struggle
by another generation and to all the increased bitter-
ness and hate that had been engendered by suppression
by military strength ?

" And now, my Lords, I find myself having the
honour and the privilege of seconding a Motion for
an humble Address to His Majesty thanking His
Majesty for his gracious Speech from the Throne in
which is announced a great act of reconciliation that
will completely change the whole relations in the
future between Great Britain and Ireland, will heal
the feuds of centuries, and bring about an era, I
believe, of true friendship, understanding, and fellow-
ship between the two peoples. It would be impos-
sible, and it would be useless for me to try, to find
words to express the gratitude I feel and the intensity
of the feeling of relief. But I should not be sincere
if I did not admit that my great joy is suffused also
with regret. How can it be otherwise when I look
back upon the last twenty years, the opportunities
lost, the great mistakes made on both sides, by
Governments here, by leaders of Irish opinion in
Ireland, and when I think of the catalogue of
calamities that might perhaps have been avoided —
would surely have been avoided — had more timely
action been taken ?

" But I do not wish to dwell upon the past. I have
taken to heart the words of His Majesty in the great
Speech — an epoch-making Speech, for it marked the
turn of the tide — in opening the Northern Parliament

86 IRELAND

at Belfast, when he urged us all to forgive and forget.
I wish to forgive and forget. And whatever little
time may be left to me, whatever opportunities I may
be afforded, I shall devote to doing the best I can
to make this great instrument of reconciliation and
peace fulfil all that the authors of it could possibly
desire.

" It is not for me to say anything about the states-
manship, the patience, the determination to win a
way out somehow, of all those who were engaged in
the negotiations and in the Conference of which this
great measure is the happy outcome. They have
their reward in the consciousness of what they have
accomplished, and they will have it brimming over
when time reveals the consequences of the noble work
they have done. I do not desire, either, to go into
the Articles of the Agreement. It is an Agreement
of tremendous scope, and it inaugurates a gigantic
change. Without injustice to any one, without com-
pulsion, it offers a free people all that they can
possibly desire to enable them to govern themselves.
It puts their destiny in their own hands. For the
welfare of their country they in the future, and
they alone, will be absolutely responsible. It is a
tremendous responsibility, but responsibility is a
great solvent, and I believe that under that sense
of responsibility many of the differences and pre-
judices that oppress us in Ireland now will gradually
melt away.

" There are many people, and I daresay some
members of this House, who think that this great act
and deed of peace goes too far. There are others, of
course, though not members of this House, who think
that it does not go far enough. My Lords, it does
not go too far. When His Majesty's Government
saw that a change of policy was necessary — requiring,

IRELAND 87

as I think, great courage, and an act of great
magnanimity — when they determined upon a great
measure of renunciation and reconciliation, they
were wise to make it complete, without reservations
or qualifications of any sort or kind whatever. You
have to trust the Irish people. If you trust them at
all it is wise to trust them all in all, and I believe it
will be found that they can be trusted. The Agree-
ment goes too far, I know, for many of my friends,
but to those who are afraid of this great experiment
and who think it will end in disaster and ruin I would
make this appeal. I would ask them to be patient,
to give the people of Ireland a fair chance to make
good, as I believe they can and will make good, to
do nothing, to say nothing, that could possibly add
to the great difficulties which will have to be sur-
mounted in any case.

" I do not wish to refer to the past in any way, but
I would like to say this. Whatever may be thought
of acts and measures employed during the last few
melancholy years, I think that any candid man living
on the spot and understanding the conditions in
Ireland would admit that under the form of govern-
ment which was set up in Dublin and which the
people thought was properly constituted, those in
authority and the people themselves displayed qual-
ities of administration and of obedience to the law
which augur well for the future of the Irish Free
State.

" Ireland will want the help of all her friends. The
difficulties to be surmounted will be very great. We
cannot expect a miracle, and it would be little short
of a miracle for any people to take over this great
responsibility without difficulty and to put the whole
machinery for complete self-government into operation
without friction. Ireland, therefore, will want the

88 IRELAND

help of all her friends, and I rejoice to see that my
friends the Southern Unionists — I suppose I am one
myself but I think we shall have to be re-christened
— have received assurances from the Chairman of the
Irish Delegation guaranteeing the safeguarding of their
interests and asking for their help and support. I
am sanguine enough to think, I have faith enough in
me to say, that I believe that in time, and in a little
time, you will find all Irishmen from north to south
and from east to west helping each other in ensuring
the prosperity and welfare of what, after all, in spite
of all differences and prejudices, in spite of all that
is said and done, is the common country of them all.

" It is thought by some that this Treaty does not
go far enough. I confess that frame of mind is in-
comprehensible to me. I do not know what may
happen in Dublin ; I do not know what may be
happening there while I am speaking ; but of this I
feel absolutely confident — that the people of Ireland
will not dishonour the signatures of the plenipo-
tentiaries that they trusted to negotiate this great
Treaty for them. I cannot understand how any
human being can cavil at the terms of this Treaty.
No man can deny that it confers upon the Irish people
all the powers and all the privileges that are necessary
to give them absolute control over their own affairs
and to put the whole destiny and future of the country
in their hands. Absolute independence can do no
more than that, and absolute independence would
mean a great deal less. Absolute independence for
a small nation situated as Ireland is means isolation.
The isolation of a little unit limits her opportunities
and prevents her real enjoyment of the solid substance
of independence, of freedom, and of liberty.

" These Articles not only give Ireland complete
control of her own affairs, but offer her the position

IRELAND 89

of an honoured member of a great Commonwealth
of Nations — a position which endues her with a
power that in no other circumstances could she
possibly have gained, and which while giving her
complete control of her own affairs and placing her
destiny in her own hands, gives her also the oppor-
tunity, a larger opportunity, of doing her duty in
a wider sphere of life. I am very confident that the
Irish people will not dream of rejecting this great
message of peace which is offered to them. It has
been my fortune to see two great historic episodes in
history — to see the triumph of militarism when the
King of Prussia was proclaimed German Emperor at
Versailles in 1871 (a glorification of the great Prussian
god of war), and to see that idol overturned, the re-
habilitation of a despoiled and suffering nation, and
the right of weak peoples to live and of men to be
free secured when the Treaty of Peace was signed in
the same room in the same place in 1919. Those
were two great episodes in history ; but I feel sure
that, under heaven, this great pact, this great gift,
recognition by a powerful nation of the rights of a
small and feeble folk, will stand out for ever as a
landmark, pointing to the realisation of that grand
ideal, a world at peace. I beg to second the Motion
before us."

The division in the Lords took place on December
16, 166 voting in favour of the Address and 47
against. In the Commons the figures were 401 for,
and 58 against.

The Dail met on December 14, and Mr. de Valera
immediately charged the plenipotentiaries with ex-
ceeding their instructions ; and sharp passages took
place. Mr. Arthur Griffith and Mr. Michael Collins
refuted the charge.

Four days were wasted by the Dail in secret

VOL. II n

90 IRELAND

Session, and it was not until December 20 that it
entered upon the public discussion of Mr. Arthur
Griffith's Motion " That Dail Eireann approves of
the Treaty signed in London on December 6, 1921."
He opened the debate in a very statesmanlike
speech ; and the Motion was seconded by Com-
mandant M'Keon,1 of the I.R.A.

Mr. de Valera followed, vigorously attacking the
Treaty, and asserting it was signed under duress.

Mr. Michael Collins replied, also in a very states-
manlike speech.

On the second day's debate a dramatic scene
occurred. Mr. Sean Milroy, after stating that the
issue was between two forms of association with the
British Empire, read, in support of his statement, a
form of oath which he indicated had been discussed
at the secret Session. Mr. de Valera strongly objected
to what he referred to as dragging-in of an irrelevant
matter ; to which Mr. Griffith replied that it was
right that the Irish people should know that there was
that difference between them.

Many of the speeches were very passionate, at times
the debate was carried on with no little heat, and
it soon became very evident that the Dail was sharply
divided. After two days' further debate it was decided
to adjourn until January 3.

That the Dail did not express its readiness to
approve and ratify articles of agreement by acclama-
tion and without discussion filled me with amaze-
ment. So far as I am personally concerned, I do not
say that the Treaty is all that I could desire. Where

1 It is worth noting that Commandant M'Keon was the only member of
Dail Eireann whom the Government had decided not to release when members
were released on August 6 for the purpose of enabling them to attend the
meeting of Dail Eireann on August 16. He was, however, released two days
later, after a grave pronouncement by Mr. de Valera on the danger to prospects
of peace negotiations by his continued detention.

IRELAND 91

you have peoples with distinct individualities and
urgent instincts towards separation, but who are, at
the same time, subject to powerful incentives equally
urgent towards union for mutual advantages and self-
preservation, federalism has always appealed to me
as the principle by which local freedom of action of
the parts can best be reconciled with unity of action
in essentials of the whole. But, whatever might have
happened a few years ago, it had become evident to
me that my ideal had to be abandoned. I leaned also,
at one time, towards a dual monarchy. That idea
had the merit of simplicity. Ireland had for over a
century persistently rebelled against the rape of her
constitution. Why not, I thought, restore her to the
position she occupied before the Union, but with a
constitution modified to meet present requirements ?
But a dual monarchy, though simple, in the main
outline presents many constitutional difficulties of
detail, and I gladly accepted the principle of, and the
terms of, the Treaty. It gave to Ireland all that I had
long laboured for — recognition of distinct individuality
and responsibility for her own destiny through com-
plete control over her own finance.

I disliked the idea of a Dominion of Ireland, and
was glad that under the Treaty Ireland is not a
Dominion. The status of the Free State may be
described according to choice ; but a Free State
entering into the community of free nations constitut-
ing the Empire places Ireland in an entirely different
position from that of a Dominion which has emerged
from the position of a Crown Colony of Great Britain.
The Articles of the Treaty and the title accorded to
Ireland were therefore satisfactory to me; and that
they are unsatisfactory to any one passes my com-
prehension. The only logical objection that can be
raised against them is disbelief in the capacity of

92 IRELAND

Irishmen to manage their own affairs. I can under-
stand men who fear responsibility rejecting the Treaty
in order to be able to say, as an excuse for Ireland's
failure, that if she had been an independent republic
all would have been well — an illogical and preposterous
line of argument to take.

I am not a Republican. I regard the Monarchy
as the one and only centre of gravity that can hold
the Empire together for the benefit of mankind.
Putting aside all personal feeling towards individuals
or principles, I cannot see any advantages in a re-
publican system of government. I have seen some-
thing of the working of other Republics ; and of
this I am perfectly certain — that there is more
individual freedom and that the people have more
control of their own affairs in Great Britain under
the Crown than is enjoyed by the people under the
two principal Republics — the United States and
France. Though, as I explained in letters to the Irish
Press, I can understand those whose ideal is a
Republic, I cannot see how acceptance of the Treaty
interferes with it. Cannot they allow Ireland to
attain a position in which the realisation of their
ideal may at least some day or other be possible ?
They must know that its attainment is impossible
now. Nobody can be insane enough to think that
Ireland can now grapple with Great Britain and
conquer her ; for that is what it comes to. All that
can be done would be to continue the effort to make
administration by Great Britain impossible. But
that is already accomplished by the Treaty. Every-
thing that could be gained through great loss of life,
Ireland running with blood, devastated and destroyed,
is accomplished by the Treaty without the shedding
of a drop of blood or a tear.

I deeply regret that the Dail was not unanimous

IRELAND 93

in accepting the Treaty. If we are to begin by fight-
ing each other, the future will be imperilled. If the
real motive in rejecting the Treaty is not love for
Ireland but hatred of Great Britain, we shall fail, for
hatred is a bad foundation on which to erect any
edifice. But I do not believe that Ireland is going to
be untrue to herself. I believe patriotism will prevail,
and that if the Dail do not accept the Treaty, accept-
ance will be forced by the vast majority of the people.

Ill

POLITICAL

For some inscrutable reason, Lord Palmerston, when
he was Prime Minister, invited me, then little more
than a boy, to stay a few days at Broadlands. We
used to play billiards a good deal, and he was very
genial and chatty and delightful ; he talked about all
manner of subjects, but not, if I remember right,
about politics. When I say that the reason of the
invitation was inscrutable, I suppose that it was
really to look me over as a possibly promising
political foal. To what conclusions he came I do not
know.

My father, who died in 1871, had no great flair for
politics. He was a man of science, had been educated
under Sir William Hamilton in astronomy, was de-
voted to geology and deeply interested in archaeology,
an intimate friend of Montalembert, who dedicated
one of the volumes of his Monks of the West to
him. He wrote, in collaboration with Miss Margaret
Stokes, a classical work on Irish archaeology — Notes
on Irish Architecture, which was published after his
death. He represented the County of Glamorgan-
shire in the House of Commons as a Conservative, but
when he went to the House of Lords he sat on the
Liberal side of the House, not, I think, so much from
political convictions as because he was a Roman
Catholic, and Roman Catholics at that period sup-

94

POLITICAL 95

ported the Liberal Party. When I succeeded him I
took my seat on the Liberal Benches, not from any
political preference, but simply following my father's
example.

Offered a Position in the House of Lords

It must have been somewhere about 1872 that
Lord Granville offered me the position of Lord-in-
Waiting, and to speak for some Department (I forget
which) in the Lords. What a charming personality was
his. I respected and liked him greatly ; but his offer
fell upon deaf ears. It did not appeal to me at all. We
had a long talk. He was very persuasive, and wound
up by saying, " Well, think it over. I began in the
same way, and very soon popped into the Foreign
Office, and there I have been ever since." I thought
it over, and declined the honour. Whether, had I
accepted, I should have " popped " into the Foreign
or any other office, goodness only knows.

I certainly came into the world with a predilection
for large open spaces. The sea, the great rolling
prairies, the vast unbroken forests, appealed strongly
to me. And in politics the same impulse for the large
influenced me. My thoughts dwelt upon expansion
of the Empire and foreign policy, but they remained
chaotic, unformulated, until by mere chance I found
myself projected into active political life.

I was in the habit of paying constant visits to the
United States, mainly for big-game shooting, and in
December 1877 I arrived in New York City from a
trip to the wild and woolly West. A few friends
formed a very pleasant little coterie there : dear old
Sam Ward, prince of Lobbyists, genial, quick, very
sagacious — a bon viveur, and a very staunch friend ;
Henry Hurlburt, editor of The World ; Louis Jennings,

96 POLITICAL

editor of the Nezv York Times ; Rosebery, myself, and
one or two others. I used to do odds and ends of
literary work for Hurlburt. One day he horrified me
by asking my views on the condition of Europe.1 I
said that was not in my line at all, that I had not
studied the subject, and that my views, though
distinct in the general, were nebulous in the particular ;
that I had never written anything political for pub-
lication, and had no desire to do so. " Well," he said,
" never mind your desires, you have got to write me
an article on the subject before you sail." (I was
leaving in a few days.) So I did, and thought no
more about it. To my vast astonishment and dismay,
I found, on getting home, that I had become somewhat
famous, or infamous. Hurlburt had liked the article,
had cabled it over, and it had apparently attracted
some attention.2 Two or three friends or acquaint-
ances— among them Edward Lawson and Lord
Stratheden and Campbell — came to me and said,
" Now you must go at once and make a speech in the
House of Lords." I had never made a formal speech
anywhere, nor had I attended the sittings of the
House. I was shy of that august assembly. How
well I remember, when I took my seat, plumping
myself down on the Front Bench — knowing no better
— and my uncle by marriage, Lord Emly, gently sug-
gesting that I was a little premature, and my pre-
cipitate retirement to a remote back bench shyer than
ever. The House of Lords was to me an awesome
place, and so, not having got down in my saddle, the

1 The war between Russia and Turkey had been in progress since 1877,
and had arrived at a point when the complete defeat of the Turkish Army
was imminent, threatening the interests of Great Britain.

2 He was good enough to say, in a prefatory note to the article, that my
contribution " unquestionably shed more light on the currents of political
thought and feeling set flowing through English society by the pressure of the
existing emergency in European politics than anything which had recently
been published on either side of the Atlantic ! "

POLITICAL 97

idea of venting my political views before so terrifying
an audience was somewhat alarming. However, I
did make a speech after waiting in nervous tremor for
two or three days for an opportunity. Deliverance
was a great but somewhat mixed -up relief. The
speech was kindly received. Lord Granville whis-
pered to me not to be led away by Tory cheers,
and Monty Cory (Lord Rowton) came to me afterwards
conveying honeyed words from Lord Beaconsfield —
" very patriotic, most useful speech," and so on,
and so on, and would I come and see him at
Downing Street whenever I liked ? Of course I
looked upon that invitation as somewhat florid
politeness ; but some days after the Prime Minister
stopped me when leaving the House and asked
why I had not been to see him. I said naturally
I was not going to bother a Prime Minister. He
replied, " I mean what I say. I would like your
friendship, and I hope you will value and cherish
mine." Whether he really meant it or not I even
then felt doubtful, and wondered whether it was not
an oriental flowery figure of speech. It was, at any
rate, a very pleasant form of reception, very different
from that of his great rival on the only occasion on
which I saw him on a matter of public business.
Gladstone rushed into the room brandishing a bundle
of proofs. " I am very busy correcting proofs ; what
can I do for you ? " "If you are so busy," I said,
" shall I come another time ? " "I am always busy,
just as busy ; what is it you want ? "

Acquaintance with Lord Beaconsfield

After that I constantly went to see Lord Beacons-
field. He did most of the talking, though sometimes
he would ask my opinion on some direct political

VOL. II o

98 POLITICAL

question. He used to walk about the room — explain-
ing his political views and ambitions and complaining
of difficulties with some of his colleagues : he talked
with complete abandon. I suppose it was some
relief to him to open his mind to an impartial listener
and to clear away grievances and difficulties into a
safe receptacle. At any rate, I greatly valued and
cherished his friendship, and saw and talked with
him very frequently till very near the end. He used
to question me about my views for the future, political
ambitions, and so on. I was beginning to realise that
three years spent at Oxford in having a good time,
and six in the 1st Life Guards in much the same
pursuit, was not the best preparation for active public
life, and told him so. He would not agree. " Scholas-
tic education is not so important as you think," he
used to say. " You have seen men and cities, and
that is the best of all education." He was a marvel-
lous man, and influenced me undoubtedly in the
direction of thinking " Imperially," which was my
natural inclination.

He was, I think, at that time, when after half a
century of labour he had reached the summit of his
ambition, the most lonely man I have ever met, the
most remote from all the ordinary stream of life that
flowed around and beneath him ; and he was to my
mind in his political views absolutely sincere — a
patriot to the core. I had always thought so. I
remember having an argument with Lord Granville
on the subject. I took the line of an honest patriot.
He took that of an honest competitor in the political
game. I think I was right. It is the sincerity of the
man that has touched the true instincts of the public.
The primroses that deck his statue after nearly forty
years are the tribute to honest patriotism, and I think
his name will remain in the hearts of the people when

POLITICAL 99

the names of his perhaps more brilliant rivals must be
sought for in the pages of history.

Foreign Politics

In the article which I wrote for Hurlburt in The
World in January, and which thrust me into practical
politics, I expressed views that, though uttered nearly
forty years ago, have not been without their bearing
upon the currents of international politics.

I dealt, in particular, with the rumour that Russia
was negotiating with other States of the Baltic for
the exclusion from that sea of the war vessels of all
non-Baltic Powers.

I pointed out that " the Baltic States " in such a
proposition stood, of course, simply for Russia and
Germany ; that Bismarck's price for co-operation
with Russia must be Russia's co-operation in the
annexation of Holland ; that it was absurd to talk of
a cordial and honest alliance between two such Powers
as Imperial Germany and Imperial Russia ; that
those who would anticipate the probable course which
either of these Powers would take had to consider the
prospective advantages which either of them might
hope to secure from any measure postponing the
inevitable death-grapple ; that there were two great
European Powers (Germany and England) which had
deep and continuing interests of antagonism to Russia ;
that if Russia were steadily drifting down the Black
Sea to a great collision with England, she was drifting
as steadily down the Baltic to a great collision with
Germany ; and, should the rumour concerning the con-
version of the Baltic into a Russo-German lake — with
Scandinavia condemned to be the ally and instrument
of whichever of the two Empires could best play its
cards — prove to be well founded, it might be assumed

100 POLITICAL

that Bismarck considered it wiser to secure Holland
as an Atlantic base, with Russia's aid, than to rely
upon the friendship and alliance of England when
Russia and Germany would be in conflict. On the
other hand, I recognised the possibility that the
rumour (which had originated in Berlin) might have
been encouraged by Bismarck with a view to arousing
England thoroughly, and making her actively co-
operate with Germany in imposing such a peace upon
the Eastern combatants as would best meet the views
of Germany and least damage the interests of England.
The Asiatic aspect of the Eastern question in-
terested me, and when it became acute in 1878 I
spoke on the subject in the House of Lords and also
made contributions to the Press. I dealt with the con-
sequences to us if Russia were permitted to establish
herself in Asia Minor. I said that if she were per-
mitted to obtain possession of Kars and other strong
places, and could acquire a safe harbour on the Black
Sea, her position would be a very formidable one, as
she would be able to advance in either direction. I
argued that if she were allowed to establish herself
in Asia Minor she would dominate the shortest future
road to India by the Euphrates Valley ; that fortified
on the Black Sea she would be able to close the
Straits to the commerce of all nations; that our
right-of-way over the then shortest road through the
Suez Canal would be imperilled. I said that if Russia
were in possession of Kars we should certainly lose
the respect of the Mohammedans in India. I
urged that from a purely commercial and economical
point of view Russia should not be allowed to
establish herself in Asia Minor. And, I asked,
" Which would be the cheapest — to prevent her
obtaining possession of these strong places and of
Batoum now, or to be compelled to erect a barrier

POLITICAL 101

against her when her forces are rolling down the
Euphrates Valley in an irresistible flood, and to have
to maintain an army of occupation in Egypt to watch
her in Syria ? " I argued that Germany also was
much interested in those considerations, and that she
was perfectly well aware that, as surely as Russia
would some day collide with England in the East, so
surely must Russia come into collision with Germany
down the Baltic, and if England was to co-operate
with Germany or Austria, or both, the price of co-
operation should be that they in their turn should
back up England in making such terms as might
appear suitable to her in regard to Armenia. I held
the view that whether we should have allies or not
was comparatively unimportant provided that Turkey
were on our side. I therefore wrote and spoke strongly
in favour of an alliance with Turkey ; and in dealing
with the Anglo-Turkish Convention later on in the
year I expressed the view that if Asia Minor was ever
to have fair room and opportunity for development,
if the Christians in Armenia were to be adequately
protected, some such agreement was an absolute
necessity, seeing that no other Power but England
could undertake the task.

It was not, however, until the Afghan Question
became a really " live " one and an electoral issue
that I took an active part in addressing public meet-
ings upon Foreign Affairs. I strongly held the view
that it was essential that England should assert her
proper position in order to check Russian ascendancy,
to reassure the people of India that we intended to
be masters, and to secure a better frontier for our
Indian Empire. I held that with the Passes and
Kandahar in our hands, India was safe. To the
retention of Kandahar I attached the highest im-
portance ; and in March 1881 I made a speech in the

102 POLITICAL

Lords strongly protesting against its abandonment.
I spoke at many meetings upon the subject, and have
very vivid recollections of a meeting which I addressed
at the Duke of Wellington's Riding School in London,
presided over by my old friend the late Earl of Wemyss.
The meeting was entirely non-party and national —
indeed, I believe there were more distinguished
Liberals than Conservatives present. I moved the
following resolution :

"That our abandonment of Kandahar would be
a breach of faith with the inhabitants, who have
welcomed and supported British rule, and would
leave them to anarchy and oppression, while order
and good government will follow its retention ; and
Kandahar, under British protection, would become
the great emporium of commerce, and the centre of
civilisation for all Central Asia."

I addressed large meetings upon this subject in
the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, in the Town Hall,
Birmingham, and in other places.

Under-Secretary, Colonial Office

When Lord Salisbury formed his Administration
in 1885 he sent for me. He was very kind, but most
dreadfully polite. He apologised profusely (which
was quite unnecessary) for not offering me a seat in
the Cabinet, explained why for the moment that was
impossible, and begged me to take my choice of the
Under-Secretaryships. I placed myself of course at
his disposition. He selected the Colonial Office, giving
me certain reasons why he particularly wished me to
accept that position ; and Under-Secretary for the
Colonies I in due course became.

I held that office during his short Administration,
and again when he came into power in 1886, and

POLITICAL 103

resigned in 1887 for the following reasons. I had a
very grave difference of opinion with the Secretary of
State, Sir Henry Holland, afterwards Lord Knutsford,
on a matter connected with the rights of Newfound-
land, in which, in my opinion, a great principle was
involved. I had become very much alarmed at what
I conceived to be a general reactionary tendency on
the part of the Government, more especially as regards
Ireland. I disapproved also of their attitude towards
questions of economy, for the whole tendency had
been for the Estimates to rise. I was very strongly
in favour of a broad and comprehensive measure of
County Government, and of measures to enable
agricultural labourers and others to obtain allot-
ments : in fact, I thought the whole policy of the
Government was becoming ultra-Tory.

I was at this time already on terms of great
intimacy with Randolph Churchill. I approved of
his political theories, and was, naturally, inclined to
follow his lead. In fact, I consulted him about my
position, whereupon, in a letter dated December 1, 1887,
after referring to the distrust and aversion enter-
tained by Lord Salisbury and Goschen for our mutual
" Tory Democracy " principles, he advocated a bold
course, and begged me not to undervalue my influence
and following in the country. This advice, together
with the other reasons I have already mentioned —
especially the Newfoundland business — really brought
me to a decision.

Randolph Churchill was a marvellous and curi-
ously composite personality. He made for himself
many enemies, and some very close friends. In
manners he was certainly ungracious ; but the rude-
ness, so often complained of, was due, partly, to slight
deafness and to want of that self-control necessary to
enable a man to " suffer fools gladly," and to the

104 POLITICAL

irritability of a very nervous temperament accentu-
ated, as I think, by the unrecognised germination of
the disease to which he ultimately succumbed. That
Randolph was a sick man when he made the fatal
mistake of his life in resigning the Chancellorship of
the Exchequer in 1886 I am certain now, though I
did not recognise it then. If I had, I would not have
urged him, as I did, to return to public life after the
debacle of his resignation. He was staying with me
at Adare, and we talked the matter over, fully. He
was against it : he said he had not the necessary
strength and stamina. I could not recognise that at
all, and thought it an infinite pity that, for his own
sake, and that of the country, a man of his brilliant
attainments should allow himself to be permanently
shelved. Well, he made the effort, a gigantic one,
and it was a failure — a most pathetic failure. He
recognised his disabilities. He used to complain to
me that people thought he was tipsy when he suffered
from difficulty of articulation ; but he struggled on.
At his best he was a most effective speaker, endowed
with a wonderfully keen and accurate political in-
stinct ; and he was all through, at his worst as at his
best, quite the most courageous man I have ever met.
To return to myself. Lord Salisbury was very
kind, and tried hard, and I think honestly, to persuade
me to reconsider my resignation of my humble post.
In fact, he treated me better than perhaps I deserved
in offering me the Governorship of the Cape, an offer
which for private reasons I was forced to refuse, much
to my regret. It was a billet which would have suited
me well.

Sweated Industries

But I was anxious for work, and, as soon as I was
freed from office, I turned my attention to social

POLITICAL 105

subjects, and developed an active interest in the con-
ditions of labour in what were called the " Sweated "
Industries. In February 1888 I moved in the House
of Lords for the appointment of a Select Committee
to inquire into the subject of " sweating " in the East
End of London. The Motion was agreed to ; and I
was appointed Chairman of a very strong Committee.
Our field of inquiry was at first confined to London,
but in the following August I moved that the Refer-
ence be extended to the " United Kingdom," for we
had found that sweating was prevalent not only in the
East End of London, but also in various other districts
in London, and in other towns and cities throughout
the country.

The difficulties experienced in getting evidence
were very great. The work was arduous, and in
doing it I received most valuable assistance from my
private secretary — Kinloch-Cooke (now Sir Clement
Kinloch-Cooke, M.P. for Devonport). Considerable
difficulty arose from the inability of a Committee to
indemnify witnesses against possible loss, and the
reluctance of witnesses to give evidence which might
prove prejudicial to their future prospects ; more-
over, some witnesses were unable to understand or
speak the English language. But, on the whole, the
Committee had reason to believe that the case, in all
its aspects, was fully and fairly laid before them.

The majority of the Committee were imbued with
the " Manchester School " theory of cheap labour ;
and the idea of demanding a living wage was ob-
noxious to that school. If an industry could be
carried on by Polish Jews under conditions of wages,
food, length of hours, and sanitation, under which
British workers perished — well, so much the worse for
the British ; they may perish, but the industry must
persist. Members of the Committee used to pro-

VOL. II p

106 POLITICAL

pound questions involving profound problems of
political economy to poor starved ignorant workers —
questions which conveyed nothing to them, and
which might just as well have been asked in ancient
Greek. Of course, such witnesses were knocked out
of time at once. My object throughout was to get
those poor people to describe accurately the conditions
under which they worked and lived, and, strange to
say, it was very difficult. The very poorest of
them, such as chain-makers and others, were very
proud and very self-respecting. They borrowed
clothes from their better-off friends in order to put
in a respectable appearance. It was the hardest
thing in the world to get them to admit the way they
were fed and clothed and housed. I was much struck
by the intelligent and straightforward way in which,
in general, the evidence was put before us, and by
the manifest desire of the poorest working-class wit-
nesses to present a favourable appearance and to
minimise the effect upon themselves individually of
circumstances which were the subject of complaint.
They were most delightful, these extremely poor
people — respectable, and to be respected.

Our Inquiry lasted two years, during which we
received evidence on 71 occasions, and examined
291 witnesses. It was, I flatter myself, useful and
profitable to the workers. As I stated in my draft
Report, the investigation, even during its progress,
accomplished great good by the publicity given to
the exposures of the sweating system — a fact which, I
said, encouraged me to believe that if the Government
and Municipal Authorities would set their faces
steadily and strongly against the system of sweating,
and if the public would take some interest in the
quality and origin of the goods they purchased, many
of the evils referred to would tend to disappear. But

POLITICAL 107

the Committee would not accept my Report as even a
draft for consideration, and, as I could not possibly
abandon my views in toto, I asked to be relieved of my
position.

My draft Report recommended (1) an increase in
the powers and numbers of the Sanitary Inspectors ;
(2) the consolidation of Sanitary Laws, combined with
measures to secure united action between the Sanitary
Authorities ; (3) the appointment of additional in-
spectors under the Factory and Workshops Act, some
proportion of them to be drawn from men possessing
a practical knowledge ; (4) the compulsory registration
and inspection of all work-places (whether private or
other) in which three or more persons worked, and
other measures in that connection; (5) the inclusion
of the occupation of the dock labourer within the
scope of existing legislation so far as to provide that
the work should be carried on with all practicable and
due regard for the safety of those employed, legal
responsibility for accident resting with the Dock Com-
panies; (6) more rigorous enforcement of the Truck
Acts and such amendment of the Prevention of Pay-
ment of Wages in Public-houses Act as would cover
cases relating to the docks and the chain-makers of
Cradley Heath and District ; (7) the concentration, as
far as practicable, of the duties of attending to matters
divided among five Departments of the State, in one
Department of Industry, charged, among other things,
with the duty of watching over the legal rights and
the interests of labour ; (8) the termination of scandals
of sweating in connection with Government contracts,
contracts to be given out to bona fide firms, and not
to agents, and not to be sub-contracted ; (9) Municipal
Authorities to discourage the employment of any firm
or persons carrying on business through the operation
of sweating; (10) the development of technical educa-

108 POLITICAL

tion and the employment of trained teachers in
charitable and industrial schools, thus providing a
wholesome counteracting influence; (11) steps to be
taken by our consuls abroad to explain the true con-
dition of the labour market in England to those parts
of Europe from which foreigners were exported, in
order to keep them in their own country.

The Committee adopted another Report, and some
time after it had been presented to the House I moved
a Resolution pointing out the urgent need of legisla-
tion, and, in doing so, I found it necessary, of course,
to criticise various features of the Report — not a
pleasant task. But it was plain to me that the
case presented in evidence before the Committee was
not clearly, fairly, and justly presented in their
Report, and also that, although improved sanita-
tion would do something if the recommendations of
the Committee were carried out, in other respects
things would remain very much as they were. I felt
very strongly upon the subject, and I spoke again on
the following day, expressing my belief that a Labour
Department would have a very beneficial effect, and
requesting the Government to consider whether the
institution of such a Department were possible.1

I held that there existed a close connection between
the abuse of sub-contracting and sweating. The Com-
mittee's Report, however, treated this question of
sub-contracting very lightly, merely stating that some
witnesses urged that " sweating was an abuse of the
sub-contract system," while others maintained that

1 It was a matter of much satisfaction to me when, in 1893, a " Labour
Department " was established, with distinct offices and a special staff, and
a staff of correspondents in the larger towns, whose duty it was to inform the
central office of important events affecting labour in their districts, and to
conduct local investigations. Subsequently, as a result of war conditions,
the idea was still further developed, and a " Ministry " of Labour was
established.

POLITICAL 109

sub- contracting was by no means a necessary element
of sweating, thus conveying the impression that
opinions were about evenly balanced, and that it was
quite an open question. As a matter of fact, of the
86 witnesses who gave evidence on this point 83 were
of opinion that the evils complained of were due to
the unnecessary number of middlemen and to the
system of sub-contracting. To make no mention of
the fact that there was an overwhelming mass of
evidence of witnesses of the highest authority who
attributed sweating to sub-contracting and unneces-
sary middlemen, and merely to assert that some wit-
nesses took one view and some another, was to convey
a false impression as to the evidence.

I was pleased when, at the close of the Inquiry,
an acquaintance of mine told me that it had cost him
£150,000, and when, some time later, a man who was
doing some work in my room at Dunraven replied to
a question if I had not seen him before : " Oh, yes !
I was employed at . . . and gave evidence at your
Sweating Committee. I lost my job, but I did not
mind that. We were very grateful for that Inquiry."

Though my draft was not accepted, I am justified
in thinking that my Report laid the foundation upon
which much valuable labour legislation has been based.

The Newfoundland Question

In 1891 the Newfoundland Question became a
prominent issue, and we had some very interesting
and instructive debates in the House of Lords upon
the subject. I flatter myself that my " suicidal
action " in resigning office had furthered an object
always very dear to me — the growth and expansion
of the Empire by active support to all the legitimate
objects and ambitions of what were then the Colonies

110 POLITICAL

and are now the King's Dominions over sea. The
Newfoundland question had been a source of difficulty
and anxiety to our statesmen for nearly two hundred
years. Under the provisions of the Treaties of
Utrecht, Paris, and Versailles the French had been
given certain fishing rights along a portion of the
Newfoundland coast. Their interpretation of these
rights was hotly disputed by the Newfoundlanders,
who found the French claims increasingly onerous as
the Colony advanced in population and material de-
velopment. There was incessant friction. Exasper-
ated by the high French bounties which kept colonial-
caught fish out of European markets, the Colonists
had retaliated by a Bait Act directed against the
French fishermen.

At the moment the storm-centre lay in the claim
that lobsters were fish and that the French had the
right to apply their fishing rights to the lobster-
canning industry. Our Government had effected a
temporary settlement of the matter for the previous
year by carrying through a modus Vivendi with
France. Against this the Colonists vigorously pro-
tested, and refused to legislate themselves along
similar lines for the approaching fishing season. The
French claim to an exclusive Fishery and that the
right to cure fish covered the right to can crustaceans
could not, of course, be admitted ; but, to keep the
peace, our naval officers were instructed to interpret
their powers of enforcing treaty rights in regard to
lobster-canning as they had hitherto done in respect
to drying and curing cod-fish. Some British factories
were, at the request of the French agents, destroyed
or removed. It turned out that our naval officers,
in enforcing the modus Vivendi, had really been acting
illegally, as the old Statute of George III., from
which the Crown had derived its powers to authorise

POLITICAL 111

such action for the enforcement of treaty rights, had
lapsed in 1832, and had never been renewed.

Thus the state of affairs had become very serious.
To my mind, the most important aspect of the whole
situation was the Imperial one — its bearing on the
relations which did, and should, exist between the
Imperial Parliament and the Governments and Parlia-
ments of the self-governing Colonies. The Govern-
ment, uncomfortably placed between two fires, was
undoubtedly in a most difficult position, and, in its
natural anxiety to avoid any possible grounds of
collision with France, was tempted to strain its
powers to the uttermost in order to secure a satis-
factory settlement. Its difficulties were increased by
the intransigent attitude assumed on some points by
the people of Newfoundland, who were more concerned
to stand stoutly for their constitution rights than to
come to any compromise. The irritation in New-
foundland against Her Majesty's Government was
profound.

Having received information of the inflamed state
of feeling which existed, I asked the Colonial Secretary
for full Papers on the subject at the outset of the
Session. I also called attention to the refusal of the
Government to assent to a draft Convention negotiated
between Newfoundland and the United States and to
the strong Resolutions of condemnation passed by
the Newfoundland Legislature in consequence. Lord
Knutsford's view on the latter question was that
leave on the part of the Colony to negotiate carried
with it no obligation on the part of Her Majesty's
Government to sanction such an arrangement, and
that other interests demanded that it be overruled.
He stated that full Papers would soon be laid. He
admitted friction, but denied that the Colonists had
any just grounds for resentment.

112 POLITICAL

On the 19th of March 1891 the Government intro-
duced the Newfoundland Fisheries Bill, intended to
revive the powers of the Crown contained in the old
Act of George III. In putting the case for the Bill,
the Secretary of State expressed the deepest sympathy
with the grievances under which the Colonists suffered
— and that was indeed general in all parts of the
House. He did not deny that legislation of this kind
was a new thing as applied to a self-governing Colony,
but declared it to be the Government's view that the
refusal of the Colony to submit the lobster question
to arbitration save on condition of the withdrawal of
the French from their coasts had created an impossible
situation, that interference by the Imperial Parliament
had become absolutely necessary. He suggested that
the Bill might be hung up, or its operation suspended
after it became an Act, should the Colony itself legis-
late along satisfactory lines. No speeches were made
against the Bill on the First Reading ; but, when a
crowded House assembled for the Second Reading on
the 23rd of April, a decided change took place in the
situation. A strong and very influential delegation,
headed by the Prime Minister of Newfoundland, Sir
William Whiteway, had come over to protest against
the Bill. On this occasion I presented a Petition from
the Legislature of Newfoundland praying to be heard
by one of the members of the delegation against the
Bill at the Bar of the House of Lords.

After mentioning numerous precedents for such a
course, and referring to the petitioners' view that the
legislation involved in the Bill was subversive of their
constitutional rights and incompatible with the prin-
ciples of liberty and justice, I pointed out as the most
weighty reason for granting the petition that the
Colony enjoyed full legislative powers, and was in

POLITICAL 113

possession of all the functions associated with re-
sponsible government.

Sir William Whiteway then argued the Colony's
case at length at the Bar. His speech was an ex-
ceedingly able one. He promised legislation on the
Colony's behalf, and his plea that to pass the Bill in
those circumstances would be " a needless indignity
to a loyal people," and would give " a feeling of in-
security to every self-governing Colony," produced a
marked effect upon the House.

The extent of the impression made could be
estimated by the adjourned debate on the Second
Reading a few days later, when several speakers,
including the Earl of Kimberley, strongly criticised
the lack of consideration with which the Colonial
Government and Legislature had been treated, and
pointed out the dangerous repercussion which the
appearance of putting unnecessary pressure upon
Newfoundland might have upon our relations with all
the other self-governing colonies.

I felt very strongly that the Bill could not be
regarded as purely Imperial in its implications ; that
it would, if passed into law, very seriously affect the
whole internal development of the Colony, and, there-
fore, constituted a dangerous interference ; and that
it should be hung up at the stage it had then reached
in order to give the Colony a chance to legislate. I
concluded my speech by saying :

I regretted that the Colonial Legislature did not
legislate to carry out the modus Vivendi; but from
what had been said by the Prime Minister of New-
foundland at the Bar of the House, and from what
he had undertaken to do, there could be but little
doubt that the colony would legislate, and I believed
that would be done. I sincerely hoped that would
be so, and I also hoped that Her Majesty's Govern-

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114 POLITICAL

ment would not press this Bill through all its stages in
this House, but that they would consent to hang it up
in order to give the colony an opportunity of fulfilling
its obligations itself.

My feeling that everything possible should be done
to avoid irritation and to consult the feelings of the
colonists in the matter led me to support a resolution
moved by the Earl of Kimberley in Committee pro-
posing that the Bill should not be proceeded with
until the Colony had had time to pass the necessary
legislation. But the Government remained adamant
in its determination to pass the Bill through all its
stages in the House of Lords, justifying their action by
the theoretic argument that the measure was purely
Imperial, and the more cogent practical ones that
the imminence of the fishing season demanded im-
mediate legislation, and that, in view of past ex-
perience, they would like to see the proposed colonial
legislation actually in being before they called a halt.

The Bill passed its Third Reading on the 11th of
May. It was, however, hung up in the House of
Commons before its Second Reading, as the result of
an announcement that an arrangement had been come
to with the Colony, at the eleventh hour, for the
passage of an Act authorising the enforcement of the
modus vivendi until the end of 1893. A permanent
Colonial Act, not a temporary one, was what our
Government wanted ; but this arrangement served as
sufficient justification to abandon a policy having even
the appearance of coercing a self-governing colony.

It is impossible here to go into the later history of
the Newfoundland Fisheries dispute. Suffice it to
say that the Newfoundland Legislature continued,
under protest, to pass temporary Acts for a number
of years. Several unsuccessful attempts were made
to find a permanent solution, but it was not until

POLITICAL 115

1904 that a final settlement of the whole difficult
question was effected by the Lansdowne-Cambon
Convention.

Social Reforms

Various questions, social and economic, have from
time to time appealed to me. Ages ago I did my best
to obtain some relaxation of the rules for closing
museums and similar places on Sundays. It seemed
to me that the strict way in which it was then
customary to preserve the purely religious character
of Sunday pressed heavily upon the poor, for Sunday
was, in those days, when holidays were rarer and hours
of labour so much longer than at the present time, far
more important as a public holiday than it is now ;
and yet to go to bed or to a public-house was about
all the relaxation open to a poor man.

Marriage with a deceased wife's sister was com-
paratively easy, even in Victorian days, to any one
who could afford to out-manoeuvre the law, but im-
possible to any one who could not. It was not fair,
and in June 1896 I introduced a Bill to legalise marriage
with a deceased wife's sister. The matter had been
in suspended animation for some years. The House
of Lords had rejected (only, however, by narrow
majorities) previous Bills on this subject ; but my
measure proved more acceptable to Churchmen, as it
did not propose any change in the Marriage Law of the
Church. I pointed out that in continental countries,
in our Colonies, in the United States, and in South
America such marriages were legal and produced no
bad consequences, either as affecting family relations
or morals. The Archbishop of Canterbury acknow-
ledged that the Bill did not compromise the Church,
and did not oppress clergymen by compelling them to
perform marriages against which they had conscien-

116 POLITICAL

tious scruples, but, nevertheless, he felt that he could
not vote for a Bill which created a difference between
the religious law and the civil law. The late King
(then Prince of Wales) strongly supported the move-
ment, and voted in favour of the amendment of the
then existing law — the only occasion, I believe, on
which he exercised his privilege as a peer. My Bill
passed its Second Reading by 142 votes to 113, and its
Third Reading by 142 votes to 104. I received the
following most kind letter from the late King after the
passage of the Bill through the House of Lords :

Marlborough Club,

Pall Mall, S.W.,

July 10th, 1896.

My dear Ad are — So many thanks for your kind
letter. I am so glad you obtained so good a majority
this evening. For so many years I hoped the Bill
would pass that I am delighted at the result, and
if in my small way I contributed towards it I am
thoroughly content.

You worked very hard for some time, and so did
St. Albans, and must naturally be much pleased. If
only we could get it through H. of Commons this
Session, it would be a great triumph ; but I much fear
it will not be possible. But we must hope for the best.
-I am, Yours very sincerely, Albert Edward>

The measure was sent to the Commons, but was
not taken into consideration, and it was not until
1907 that marriage with a deceased wife's sister
received legal sanction.

Tobacco-growing

Another question in which I have taken a keen
interest is the encouragement of tobacco-growing in
Ireland.

POLITICAL 117

Tobacco was, it is said, and I think truly, intro-
duced from Virginia by Sir Walter Raleigh, who grew
it at his place at Youghal. What is commonly called
" Old Irish tobacco " still exists, and is probably the
lineal descendant of the seed Sir Walter Raleigh
brought over. I am bound to say that, according
to my taste, it is a coarse variety of the plant;
but it may have degenerated. Richard Boyle, the
first Earl of Cork,1 must have been a very remark-
able man. Starting as a needy adventurer into
Ireland, he died possessed of the greater part of
South Munster. It was his custom to send gifts
of tobacco and usquebaugh to his patrons in England,
and on one occasion he accompanied the gift to
the wife of his patron with the advice that if she
would tell her lord " to drink in the morning
fasting a little of the usquebaugh as it is prepared
and qualified," it would " help to digest all raw
humours, expel wind and keep his inward parts
warm all day after, without any offence to his
stomack."

Whisky taken fasting in the morning is strong
medicine; but men were strong in those days. Sir
Dudley Carleton, writing in 1623, begged his lordship
" to bestow a little tobacco upon me if you have
any pure, otherwise not." So open a request for
purity forbids the supposition that the noble lord
dealt in faked tobacco. It probably refers to
some special mixture. Tobacco was certainly grown
in Ireland to a considerable extent, but was
eventually entirely prohibited in favour of the
" plantations," as they were then called, in North
America.

The question of permitting the cultivation of

1 The Life of Richard Boyle, first Earl of Cork, is a book that should be
studied by any one interested in Irish history in Elizabethan days.

118 POLITICAL

tobacco was energetically taken up by Mr. Willie
Redmond in the House of Commons, and I also
advocated the cause in the House of Lords. Eventu-
ally the Department of Agriculture proposed a scheme
granting to tobacco-growers and rehandlers a certain
subsidy per acre, with the idea of making an experi-
ment on a large scale. It was taken up by Sir
Nugent Everard and myself. I imported a " Proctor "
machine from America, built the necessary barns,
grew up to about 30 acres myself, and got farmers
in the county to grow up to about 50 acres. My
experiment, however, came to an untimely end during
the War, all my machines and barns being accidentally
burnt on New Year's Day, 1916. It was, of course,
impossible then to replace machinery or to continue
experiments.

As a matter of fact, the experiment was far too
complicated, and was hedged round with an enormous
amount of unnecessary work in the way of keeping
accounts, writing reports, etc. All that was really
wanted was a small but sufficient allowance on the
Excise Duty to enable tobacco to be grown and
cured with a reasonable chance of success. That
good and marketable tobacco can be grown in
Ireland, and also in England, has been abundantly
proved. The soil and climate seem to suit the
plant. In very wet seasons it is true that the
gum gets washed out of it, but on an average
the tobacco is in colour, texture, and flavour a good
marketable commodity. The industry should be
encouraged, for it is valuable in that it gives large
employment to children, boys and girls. Since my
plant and machinery were destroyed by fire I have
contented myself with growing Turkish tobacco
sufficient to supply the cigarette factory which I
started at Adare in 1911.

POLITICAL 119

Fisheries

The fishing industry and its neglect by the State
is a subject on which I hold strong views.

Though opposed to State management and State
interference in trade and commercial matters, I have
always felt that in a case affecting the food of the
people State assistance and State control over cer-
tain matters, such as transportation and preservation,
was legitimate ; and it has always seemed to me
that governments were lacking in their duty in not
taking steps to develop our fishing industries, the
potentialities of which are so great. The War, by
depriving us of the German and Russian markets
and by taking up for service a large proportion of
our fishing fleet, completely disorganised the whole
industry ; and, at a time when starvation was staring
us in the face, I endeavoured to call attention to the
importance of fish supply by a lecture on the subject
before the Royal Statistical Society, and in a speech
in the House of Lords in 1917.

No reason, I said, except neglect, existed why
fish, as an article of diet, should not be of the same
value to modern and civilised men as it was to
ancient and uncivilised man. The industry had never
been organised on a modern industrial basis ; no
other item of our food supply had been so little
affected by scientific methods; and yet in no other
section of our food supply would the adoption of
scientific principles of preservation and organised
rapid transport effect so marked a revolution. More-
over, the fisheries formed an attractive field for
enterprise and the employment of capital. There
was no vested interest in the sea. No ploughing
and planting were necessary. The harvest was there
in inexhaustible quantities, and all that was needed

120 POLITICAL

was to reap it and carry it to the consumer. I
believed that with up-to-date organisation, and some
assistance from the State, the people could be supplied
with a most valuable article of food at an extremely
cheap price, and without any loss to the State.

I urged that State assistance was necessary for
scientific fertilisation and fish culture ; for the re-
organisation of the fishing fleet, by the return of
fishing vessels taken over by the Admiralty, and the
fitting out of other suitable vessels ; and for the
construction and maintenance of cold storage in all
the principal landing ports and the control of railway
rates.

I especially urged propagation of salmon. In my
early days salmon was, in all districts to which it
found access, a very cheap fish, fetching about 3d.
or 4d. a pound. If we are ever again to see salmon
on our slabs at any such price, we must follow the
example of Canada and the United States and resort
to scientific fish culture.1

I argued that, in so far as our home fisheries are
concerned, efficient organisation for landing, trans-
port, and distribution would bring about the follow-
ing results. It could greatly increase the yield. It
could halve the price to the consumer, it could double
the return to the producer, and yet leave a handsome
profit to the distributor. Fish ought to become a
staple food for the working-class population.

In moving a Resolution in the House of Lords
to the effect that the Government should assume
control of the provision and sale of fish in the same

1 In Canada the fifty or sixty Government hatcheries release yearly 100
million salmon and trout, nearly 500 million white fish, and 900 million
lobsters. To show how utterly negligent we have been, it is sufficient to say
that for every pound we in this densely populated and sea-girt country have
spent, Canada has spent £5, and the United States have spent £26 ; and it has
paid them well.

POLITICAL 121

manner as it had already done during the War in the
case of other commodities, I urged it as essentially
a War measure ; but I did not confine my argument
to the necessity of dealing with the matter for the
period of the War only. I dealt with the subject
generally, as I had done before the Statistical Society,
and strongly urged the creation of a Department of
Fisheries under a responsible Minister.

Nothing, however, has been done by the State
to put this most important industry on a sound
commercial basis, and it is now in a sorry plight.
Fleets of vessels are laid up, and capital is lying idle.
Fish food is dear, and cheap fish would reduce the
price of other foodstuffs. The future of a great and
most valuable industry is gloomy indeed. I shall not
be surprised if the Irish Free State gives a lead to
Great Britain in developing and gathering the harvest
of the sea.

The Declaration of London

Events have often justified the action of the
House of Lords, and on no occasion more notably
than when in 1911 it saved us from the consequences
of the Declaration of London.

That Declaration was the outcome of the Second
Peace Conference held at The Hague in 1907, and a
very evil outcome it would have proved for us had
it been accepted. Tommy Bowles * (Thomas Gibson
Bowles, M.P.) fought against it gallantly in Parlia-
ment, on the public platform, and in the Press, and
to his untiring efforts the agitation against it owed
a great deal. I spoke against it in the House of

1 Since writing the above I have heard with very great regret of his un-
timely death. He was a very good friend of mine — a formidable but genial
controversialist, a man of letters, an incisive speaker and writer, and last,
but not least, a first-rate sailor-man.

VOL. II R

122 POLITICAL

Lords, arguing that the general tendency of all its
provisions was to the advantage of Powers that
were weak at sea, and to the disadvantage of Powers
that were strong at sea ; that if we were unfortunately
driven into a war, our best means of bringing that
war to a speedy and successful issue would be by the
use of such economic pressure upon our enemy by
harassing and destroying his commerce and trade at
sea as would compel him to stop hostilities : that
while hostilities were going on we should have to
depend for our daily bread upon an imported supply
of food ; and that to take away the powers we had
hitherto exercised, or to diminish them, was to incur
a responsibility which ought not to have been taken
by His Majesty's Government without at any rate
ascertaining the views of the great Dominions upon
the subject, and certainly not without acquainting
Parliament, and through Parliament the country,
with the details and the possibilities and the prob-
abilities of the arrangements that His Majesty's
Government desired to enter into.

The debate lasted three days, and among the
speakers who severely criticised the Declaration was
Lord Halsbury, who said that, whereas under former
rules a merchant ship could only be fitted out as a
warship in port, vessels could now become warships
during their voyage, and that, so far from the Declara-
tion leading to peace, under it Great Britain might
lose a great deal, while gaining nothing. He added
that the whole tone of the Declaration was hostile
to any great naval Power. The Government spokes-
men, of course, supported the Declaration ; but the
Motion was withdrawn. The debate had served its
purpose. Ratification of the Declaration was post-
poned, and, as the Great War has proved, the House
of Lords saved the country from disaster and vindi-

POLITICAL 123

cated its position as a useful and integral part of
the machinery of the State.

Reform of the House of Lords

The House of Lords is a great institution. In no
other assembly are so many members to be found
whose views on law, science, economics, naval and
military matters, diplomacy, administration, the ruling
of alien races, the theory and practice of representative
government, command, and ought to command,
the respect due to intimate knowledge and vast
experience. And even extreme Radicals would admit
it to be an ideal Upper House were it not that the
hereditary system is deemed to be incompatible
with democratic ideals. Yet heredity is useful. It
takes two or three generations to make a perfect
cotton-spinner, or agriculturist, or metal-worker, or
fisherman; and the value of transmitted knowledge
is not confined to trade and industry. It is equally
applicable to legislation and administration ; and in
natural aptitude and acquired knowledge in all
phases of life, national and Imperial, no legislative
body in the world can compare with the House of
Lords.

But an hereditary right to legislate is an
anachronism, and Reform of the Upper House (ad-
mittedly grown unwieldy owing to the inordinate
Radical appetite for Peerages) has long been " in the
air," and is there still. As far back as 1888 I brought
in a Bill dealing with the subject. At that time
the cry against the House of Lords was based on
" Black Sheep." The accusation was a nonsensical
one ; but the fact that on critical occasions Peers who,
as a rule, took no interest in politics or in national
affairs, came up from the four corners of the earth

124 POLITICAL

to vote, did constitute a grievance which required a
remedy. I desired to retain the hereditary principle
— the right of succession to a Peerage, and I did not,
of course, propose to interfere with the King's preroga-
tive to create Peers ; but I aimed at finding a remedy
by gradually reducing the number of Peers entitled to
sit and vote to 180. I proposed to accomplish this
by the creation of an inner circle, to which Peers
either on creation or succession would be eligible
by election — the whole body of Peers being the
electorate. The Upper House would in time have
consisted of 180 of the best men in it without depriving
any living man of his rights. My Bill was read a
second time, and then politely, but firmly, squashed
by Lord Salisbury. It is a pity, I think, that the
Bill did not pass, or that some reform based on
similar lines was not carried out at that time. A
reduction of the hereditary element in the House of
Lords might then have been effected without depriving
living men of their privileges. But it is useless to
cry over what might have been, and such a scheme
of reform would not be of the slightest use now.

In 1907 the House of Lords appointed a Select
Committee, of which I was a member, under the
Chairmanship of Lord Rosebery, to inquire into the
whole subject. The Committee reported in December
1908, the principal recommendation being that the
Peers should elect 200 from among them to sit as
Lords of Parliament — that number to be brought up
to 400 by Peers who had held high office, and by the
creation of Life Peerages. The Government did not
even consider the Report, and the matter dropped.

In 1909-1910 the question of mending, ending, or
mutilating the House of Lords was forced into an
acute stage by the very transparent device adopted
by the Government of compelling the Lords either to

POLITICAL 125

refer the Finance Bill of 1909 to the judgment of the
people or to abdicate their position as a Second
Chamber. The Government aimed at reducing the
Second Chamber to a condition of impotence, and, as
a means to that end, deliberately forced a false posi-
tion on the House of Lords by sending to them a
Finance Bill which no sane man could pretend did
not exceed the customary objects of such a Bill, and
which was, as the author of it admitted, a Bill of
" a very unusual character." A false issue was raised,
and I expressed my views on reform in an article to
the Nineteenth Century, entitled " The Constitutional
Sham Fight." In that article I wrote that

" The hereditary section, whatever its numbers,
should, I think, be numerically superior ; but I
attached, and do attach, great importance to the
introduction of an element composed of commoners
or peers indirectly chosen of the people. Friction is
not likely to occur between the two sections. On the
contrary, I am convinced that in their harmonious
working the hereditary principle would gain in popu-
larity and strength. What has been called ' a fresh
current of air ' could not fail to have an energising
effect upon the House. It would be an immense
advantage to peers to be able to offer themselves as
candidates, and a door would be opened to those who
failed to be chosen by their peers or who were not
otherwise qualified to sit and vote.

" Ought the hereditary section to be created by
election, or by selection on a qualification basis, or
by both ? Election by their peers has the advantage
of being consistent with the process obtaining in the
case of the Scotch and Irish Peerages ; but it has the
following disadvantages : — fair proportional repre-
sentation would be difficult to obtain ; the independent
attitude, the cross-bench mind, which should be en-
couraged, might be wiped out. It would probably
require amendment of the Acts of Union between

126 POLITICAL

England and Scotland and between Great Britain and
Ireland.

" Qualification has the merit of simplicity ; but it
is difficult to see how young men are to find oppor-
tunities of becoming qualified. Qualification should,
I think, be sought mainly in Parliamentary and de-
partmental experience — great pro- consular ideals are
not always compatible with practical Parliamentary
procedure. Tenure by election, whether by peers or
outside constituencies, should be for a fixed and fairly
long term, a certain proportion retiring periodically
and being eligible for re-election. The object of any
Second Chamber is to check violent and temporary
changes and to ensure recognition of steady and per-
manent changes of public opinion ; election for the
life of a Parliament might fail in the first case, and
election for the life of the individual might fail in the
second. The prerogative of the Crown cannot be
interfered with, and a reformed House would consist
of Lords of Parliament nominated, chosen by the
hereditary peers, sitting in virtue of office or qualifica-
tion, and recommended by outside constituencies."

The General Election of January 1910 was fought
mainly upon the question of the relations between
the two Houses, and Lord Lansdowne offered in the
early part of that year to co-operate with the Govern-
ment in defining the relations between them. No
notice was taken of that offer, but in March Lord
Rosebery submitted to the House of Lords the follow-
ing Resolutions, which were duly passed :

"That the House do resolve itself into a Com-
mittee to consider the best means of reforming its
existing organisation, so as to constitute a strong and
efficient second chamber, and, in the event of such
motion being agreed to, to move the following resolu-
tions : (1) That a strong and efficient second chamber
is not merely an integral portion of the British Con-
stitution, but is necessary to the well-being of the

POLITICAL 127

State and to the balance of Parliament. (2) That
such a chamber can best be obtained by the reform
and reconstitution of the House of Lords. (3) That
a necessary preliminary of such reform and recon-
stitution is the acceptance of the principle that the
possession of a peerage should no longer of itself give
the right to sit and vote in the House of Lords."

A month later Lord Rosebery gave notice that he
would move the following further Resolutions :

"(1) That in future the House of Lords shall
consist of Lords of Parliament : (a) chosen by the
whole body of hereditary peers from among them-
selves and by nomination by the Crown ; (b) sitting
by virtue of offices and of qualifications held by
them ; (c) chosen from outside.

" (2) That the term of tenure of all Lords of
Parliament shall be the same, except in the case of
those who sit ex officio, who would sit so long as they
hold the office for which they sit."

In April Mr. Asquith moved the Veto Resolution ;
but before any steps had been taken the death of the
King, on May 6, supervened. By common consent
the question was left in abeyance for a few weeks ;
but in June an attempt was made to find some com-
promise through a private Conference consisting of Mr.
Asquith, Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Birrell, and Lord Crewe
for the Government, and of the following members of
the Opposition — Mr. Balfour, Lord Lansdowne, Lord
Cawdor, and Mr. Austen Chamberlain. The Conference
held twenty-one sittings ; but it ended in November
without arriving at an agreement. In that month
the Parliament Bill came before the Lords, and Lord
Rosebery thereupon moved the additional Resolutions
which had been standing in his name since April, but
which he had not been allowed an opportunity of

128 POLITICAL

moving. A few days later Lord Lansdowne moved
that the House resolve itself into Committee to con-
sider a series of resolutions expressing the opinion
that it was desirable that provision should be made
for settling differences between the two Houses, re-
constituted and reduced in numbers in accordance
with the resolutions of the House of Lords. Lord
Rosebery moved that these resolutions and those
moved at his own instance be communicated to the
Commons : this Motion was agreed to. Prorogation,
however, followed a few days later, and the Parlia-
ment was dissolved.

The Parliament Act was passed in 1911. Con-
currently with the revision of the powers of the House
of Lords, the Government determined that a re-
modelling of the constitution of the Upper House was
a matter which (in the words of Mr. Asquith) " brooked
no delay." Nothing, however, was done, and with
the advent of the War the question was necessarily
" hung up."

In August 1917 the Government of the day, em-
boldened by the success of the Speaker's Conference
on Electoral Reform, appointed a Conference, under
the Chairmanship of Lord Bryce, to consider the
Reform of the Second Chamber. That Conference con-
sisted of 32 members (of which I had the honour of
being one), fairly representative of parties as they
then existed. I was strongly in favour of indirect
election — that is, election by groups of constituencies,
plus a proportion of ex officio members — men having
held high office in the State or having occupied great
administrative posts. We reported in April 1918,
Lord Bryce making the general report to the Govern-
ment on our behalf, and accompanying it with recom-
mendations adopted by the large majority of the
Conference. From these recommendations Lord Lore-

POLITICAL 129

burn, Lord Sydenham, and Mr. Scanlan dissented.
I have printed the main points of these recommenda-
tions as an appendix to this book.1

I thought the recommendations too elaborate and
complicated, and I doubt whether legislation (if legis-
lation ever takes place) will be on these lines. Though
declared by the Prime Minister to be a matter that
brooked of no delay twelve years ago, Reform of the
House of Lords is likely to remain in an urgent
pigeon-hole for some time to come ; and I think the
Peers can be content to wait.

The position of the House of Lords is not so
ignominious as it may seem to be. Power of revision
is not a very glorious attribute of an Upper House,
but it is a useful one ; and the suspensory powers of
the House are pretty nearly equivalent to the right
of actual rejection. A powerful Senate is essential to
a well-balanced constitution, and is especially neces-
sary in the case of a people in perpetual close contact
with foreign political complications. I wish we had
it ; and we may get it some day, but not just yet.
A Senate all-powerful in the most conservative system
in the world is tolerated by the most undemocratic
of all democracies — the people of the United States ;
but, at present at any rate, a Senate enjoying such
power would not be accepted here. Therein lies the
difficulty. Reform is urgent ; but Radicals do not
desire a stronger Second Chamber.

That the Speaker of the House of Commons, of
necessity a partisan, should be the authority to decide
whether a Bill is in reality a Money Bill is ludicrously
unfair ; but if that duty were transferred to some
impartial authority, I do not think the House of
Lords has much cause for dissatisfaction with its
position.

1 See Appendix VIII.
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130 POLITICAL

Fair Trade

The depression in trade existing in the early
eighties seemed to me, in spite of efforts made to
deny it, to be most serious. Bad harvests and over-
production were assigned as the causes : but they
were comparatively unimportant. Over-production
affected us not because supply throughout the whole
world was greater than demand, but because we were
no longer allowed to supply our fair share of that de-
mand. Foreign markets were closed against us, and our
own markets were unfairly interfered with. Foreign
bounties and foreign tariffs cut into our industries.

In 1884 I moved in the House of Lords a resolution
for the appointment of a Select Committee to join with
a Committee of the Commons to inquire into the con-
dition of the trade and commerce of the country.

Lord Granville stated, on behalf of the Govern-
ment, that the demand for Fair Trade was as fallacious
as anything could be. Lord Salisbury in winding up
the debate deeply regretted the Government's refusal
to accept the Resolution ; but added that the
structure of the motion made it inconvenient for
the House to resolve upon inquiry when the Govern-
ment were quite determined to refuse it. Under
these circumstances I withdrew my motion ; but in
the following year a Royal Commission, of which
I was a member, was appointed to inquire into the
subject.

The Final Report of the Commission was pre-
sented in December 1886 ; but I and Mr. Farrer
Ecroyd, Mr. P. A. Muntz, Mr. (subsequently Sir)
Nevile Lubbock found ourselves unable to sign it.
We felt that the extent and severity of the de-
pression of trade and industry, and the consequent
insufficiency of employment, were not adequately

POLITICAL 131

recognised and set forth in the Report. We did
not think it contained a sufficient exposition of the
gravity and permanent character of the causes which
operated to prevent the growth of our chief industries
keeping pace with that of the population, or any
indication or recommendation of remedial measures
to deal with adverse agencies, which were of the first
importance, not only in their immediate effect, but
in their permanent and growing nature. We pre-
sented a Minority Report ; but to one paragraph I
felt bound to make certain reservations, as I thought
it went too far in the direction of dictating to self-
governing communities. I concluded by saying :

" While unable to approve entirely of paragraph
138 (of the Minority Report), I consider that a trading
union with the Colonies securing preferential treat-
ment for British and Colonial manufactures and food
products, without interfering with perfect freedom as
to the internal fiscal arrangements of the Colonies or
the United Kingdom is, for the reasons mentioned in
the Report, most desirable. But we should, I think,
be going beyond our powers in making any distinct
recommendation on a matter affecting the policy of
self-governing Colonies."

On the 31st of May 1881 a private conference of
merchants, shippers, bankers, etc., interested in home
and colonial trade, took place and resulted in the
formation of the Fair Trade League, of which I was
chairman. For some reason, which I forget, I resigned
that position, and I think the League was eventually
dissolved and was succeeded by the Fair Trade
Club, under the Presidency of Mr. Cunliffe Lister
(subsequently Lord Masham).

In 1885 the late Mr. Louis Jennings, Conservative
M.P. for Stockport, and I, being in general agreement
on the subject of our fiscal policy, became actively

132 POLITICAL

associated in efforts to prove the advantages of a "Fair
Trade " as compared with a " Free Trade " policy
for Great Britain and her Oversea Dependencies.
Jennings and I jointly edited a weekly paper called
Fair Trade, devoted to industry and commerce. Our
opening Manifesto in October 1885 embodied the
following four points of policy :

1. Commercial Treaties with Foreign Nations
affecting fiscal arrangements to be terminable at a
year's notice — and not to hinder us from dealing wTith
our Colonies and Dependencies as our interests
dictate.

2. Imports of Raw Materials for Home Indus-
tries to be admitted free from every quarter.

3. Import Duties to be levied upon the Manu-
factures of Foreign States.

4. A moderate duty to be levied upon articles
of Food from Foreign Countries, the same being
admitted free from all parts of our own Empire.

The last issue of Fair Trade was made in December
1891.

My theory throughout was (1) that stability of
trade was impossible if fair prices were undercut by
dumping foreign goods at less than cost price in our
home market ; (2) that protecting an industry against
that unfair competition was quite a different thing
from protecting it against fair competition ; (3) that
free imports and taxed exports were not free trade ;
(4) that we had to rely upon inter-Imperial trade and
neutral markets : and on that theme I made many
speeches.

Feeling in political circles ran so high at the time
that the meetings which I addressed were not in-
variably " plane sailing." Speaking at Cardiff on
October 24, 1885, however, I carried the majority of
a very large audience with me by the declaration

POLITICAL 133

that "it is the Colonies that we have to look to in
the future for markets for our goods." And I went
on to say that " day by day our trade in foreign
countries and in the United States decreases in pro-
portion to the population, but, on the contrary, our
trade with the Colonies gets larger and larger."

Perhaps the most tumultuous political gathering
I ever addressed was a meeting at Macclesfield Town
Hall in September 1885, on behalf of Mr. Jennings'
candidature for Stockport. Long before the proceed-
ings were timed to commence an organised clique of
obstructionists took possession of the back of the
hall, calling for " cheers for Gladstone " and employ-
ing almost every description of unpleasant cat- call
and offensive epithet. In the picturesque aphorism
of a local reporter, " hats were thrown about the room
in great profusion, fists were brought pretty frequently
in contact with softer substances, and a vermilion-
coloured liquid trickled quietly from the proboscis of
more than one staunch politician at an early stage of
the meeting."

Some time after his triumphant return to the
House of Commons, Mr. Jennings and myself were
the guests of Mr. and Mrs. A. H. Sykes at Edgeley
Mount, Stockport, for a big meeting which we both
addressed in the Armoury of that town on October 17,
1887. While finding it necessary to devote some
time to a criticism of the Irish problem as it then
existed, I spoke at considerable length on the subject
of Fair Trade versus Free Trade for our Oversea
Dominions. I reminded my very large audience
that —

" Not one single Colony of ours is a free-trader.
Every one of them protects its workmen and its
manufactures more or less, and you must remember
that, owing to the absolutely inflexible rule which we

134 POLITICAL

have laid down to guide us in our commercial system,
it is impossible for us to make any bargains whatso-
ever for our Colonies, or with our Colonists, or, for
that matter, with foreign countries ; and what you
will find will happen is this — it will become better
worth the while of your Colonies to trade with foreign
countries. . . . They can make a distinct bargain.
That is what we cannot do, and the time will infallibly
come when it will be better worth the while of our
Colonies to make arrangements with foreign countries
than to remain in the same circumstances as they are
now. ... If you want to keep your Empire, if you
want to keep your great trade with your Colonies —
a trade which to a great extent supports the manu-
facturing interests of this country now — you must
never allow it to be advantageous to your Colonies
to put duties against your goods, to shut us out, and
to trade with foreign nations."

At the same time I emphasised the difference
between Protection as protecting an industry against
fair competition and protecting it against dumping
and unfair competition ; and I made it quite clear to
my audience that I had never been an advocate of
Protection in the former sense.

Jennings and I did not carry big enough guns to
batter down " Free Trade." Both parties in the
House of Lords denounced me as guilty of damnable
heresy. We were too early in the field, and failed ;
but we did great spade-work. When Mr. Chamberlain
took it up, public opinion was riper. But he would
have done better to stick to our title " Fair Trade "
instead of adopting the title of " Tariff Reform."

Fair Trade and colonial expansion were to me
almost synonymous terms, and I made many contri-
butions to the Press upon the far-reaching advantages
to be derived from a more intimate trade relationship
with our Colonies.

POLITICAL 135

Imperial Trade and Defence

In February 1891 I moved in the House of Lords
a resolution on the desirability of the Colonial Govern-
ments being invited to send representatives to a
Conference to be held in London to consider the
advancement of trade within Her Majesty's Dominions,
and the formation of a fund for certain purposes of
Imperial defence. I referred to the good done by the
Conference four years previously (which created a
precedent) " from the contact and free interchange of
views that took place." But I argued that though
much progress had been made along many different
lines, on two subjects, namely, organisation for defence
and inter-Imperial trade, very little had been done.

My theory was that, as the retention of our coal-
boxes scattered about the globe and the security of
the great ocean trade routes were, in a special sense,
of common vital importance to all units of the Empire,
it was not fair that the whole responsibility, financial
and otherwise, should rest upon the Mother Country.
I should like, I said, to see a fund raised by the
Mother Country and the self-governing Colonies, to be
devoted to the armament and maintenance, in a
proper state of defence, of certain coaling-stations
and strategic points, and the complete equipment and
maintenance of a fleet of swift ocean -cruisers. I
desired to see the vital question of the security of
great trade routes lifted out of the influence of party
politics. I believed that good results would follow, and
that, if such a fund was formed and maintained, it would
introduce a very wholesome principle — that of mutual
obligation, mutual responsibility, and mutual help ;
and that it would add greatly to the stability and
security of our commerce and trade in times of diffi-
culty or of war. I proposed that the necessary money

136 POLITICAL

should be raised by a small duty on imported foreign
goods. By this means the Mother Country or
Dominion or Colony that dealt largely with foreign
countries would be the most heavily taxed, while the
units of the Empire that traded most within the
Empire would be lightly taxed.

I also dealt with the question of encouraging
inter-Imperial trade and of developing the material
resources of the Empire ; and pointed out that while
the ties that bind the Empire together are strong,
yet, practically speaking, they are ties of sentiment,
community of origin, of race, blood, and religion,
common institutions and common traditions ; but
that one tie, perhaps the strongest of all — community
of material advantage in trade and commerce — was
lacking. I agreed that all the nations of the Empire
must, and will, infallibly develop in their natural
direction according to the genius of the people, and as
influenced by natural laws and by their environment
and the circumstances which surround them; but I
argued that statesmanship could do a great deal by
seizing opportunities of strengthening existing ties,
by supplying those ties which are now wanting, and
by doing all that is possible to counteract the evil
consequences to our home and inter-Imperial trade
of the artificial attractions offered under the com-
mercial and fiscal systems that were universal in
foreign countries. Democracies are, I argued, not
slow to grasp large Imperial ideas, and are keen
enough to see the benefits which would accrue from
them. The ideal of a great Empire, occupying
the four corners of the earth, advancing steadily in
the paths of peace and progress under one flag,
exercising complete freedom to develop in every
possible direction, according to their own individuali-
ties, and, at the same time, knitted together by the

POLITICAL 137

great ties of sentiment as well as of material advan-
tage, was one which would commend itself, not only to
the people of the United Kingdom, but of all parts
of the Empire.

Lord Salisbury, in reply, said that discrimination
meant levying a heavy duty on grain, wool, and
meat, which the people would not tolerate, and that,
for the present, the summoning of a Conference was
not expedient. After protesting against the idea
that a differential tariff would have the effect of
raising the price of food-stuffs in this country, I with-
drew my Motion.

In 1892 I moved in the House of Lords that a
copy of the Motion agreed to in the House of Commons
of the Dominion of Canada, referring to preferential
trade with the United Kingdom, should be laid before
the House. It was the first time that the question
of reciprocity had been put forward in what might
be deemed a practicable shape. I argued the case
at length, partly because I felt that the true interests
of the industrial population lay in encouraging trade
between the Mother Country and the Colonies, partly
because I held that the policy of doing nothing,
the policy of isolation, must, and would, result in
the Colonies drifting further and further from our
flag in their desiring, and succeeding in giving,
preferential treatment to foreign labour and foreign
goods as against British labour and British goods.
I advocated " community of trading interests," and
strongly appealed to the Government to take measures
for ascertaining the views of the Colonies and the
effect upon our own manufacturing industries and
upon our trade with foreign countries if a proposition
of the kind contained in the resolution passed by the
Canadian Parliament were in principle extended to
the whole Empire. My Motion was agreed to; but

VOL. II T

138 POLITICAL

Lord Balfour of Burleigh, speaking for the Board of
Trade, made it clear that his assent did not imply
acceptance of the policy, and was accorded solely
because it was desirable that the Imperial Parliament
should know the specific terms of any resolution of
the Parliament of the Dominion of Canada on so in-
teresting a subject.

We are a very slow-moving people, and up to now
practically nothing has been done.

I have for nearly forty years consistently advocated
" Fair Trade " ; and I quote from a letter accepting
the Presidentship of the Tariff Reform League of the
Cardiff district in 1903 as fairly representing my views :

" The subject which is now brought so prominently
before the country is one in which I have always
taken the deepest interest. Since 1884 I have advo-
cated fiscal reform in my place in the House of Lords,
at Birmingham, Glasgow, Penarth, Swansea, Run-
corn, Stockport, and in many other industrial centres.
I pointed out that, though in neutral markets we
were holding our own, foreign markets were gradually
closing against us, owing to protective tariffs, to the
great detriment of our manufacturing interests ;
and I suggested at Birmingham as far back as 1884
that a remedy can only be found in forcing open
foreign markets, or in finding fresh fields for industry,
or in developing those markets which are still open
to us. I maintained that untaxed imports and
heavily taxed exports did not constitute free trade,
whatever else it might be called ; and that protect-
ing ourselves against artificial competition, and dis-
criminating in favour of good as compared with
bad customers, was not ' protection ' in the ordinary
accepted sense of the term. I argued that a system
which may have worked well while we enjoyed a
practical monopoly of manufacturing was not neces-
sarily beneficial under totally different circumstances,

POLITICAL 139

at a time when we had lost that monopoly, and when
foreign nations were barricading their home markets
against us, were pressing us hard in neutral markets,
and were invading our home markets with their
surplus stock at below cost price. I endeavoured
to impress upon the manufacturing population the
importance of the Colonies as markets, and stated
that, in my opinion, the remedy for an unhealthy
condition of trade was to be sought chiefly by develop-
ing existing markets, by increasing the purchasing
power of our Colonies and of our great Indian De-
pendency. My theory was, and is, that though we
might enjoy spurts of activity when demand tempor-
arily exceeded supply in highly protected countries,
such spurts were not really beneficial, and that a
steady and increasing trade could only be obtained
by turning capital and emigration towards the Colonies
and encouraging them to exchange their produce for
our manufactured goods. I suggested that a duty
should be imposed upon foreign manufactured articles,
sufficient to counterbalance the unfair advantage
which the manufacturers of these goods have at
present over our own manufacturers, and I recom-
mended a differential duty in favour of the products
of the British Empire and against the rest of the
world.

" In discussing the question of a small duty upon
wheat, I maintained (what I still believe to be true)
that the cheapest article determines the market
price, and that competition with free Colonial wheat
would force foreign taxed wheat to pay any small
duty placed upon it ; and I urged that the ultimate
result would be to increase the wheat-growing area,
and, consequently, to cheapen bread. Putting that
on one side, and even adopting the arguments of
opponents, I stated that even if the consumer at
home paid all the duty, it would not amount to more
than a few shillings a year to an average family of
six persons, and they would save a great deal more
than that by the diminished cost of tea, coffee, etc.

140 POLITICAL

I did not then, nor would I now, confine myself to
the purely practical, materialistic aspect of the case.
No country, I said, ever had such a chance as
England, possessing, as she does, an Empire which
can produce everything that man requires in the
world. If we, the present generation, neglect our
opportunities and fail to appreciate and make good
use of the marvellous resources of our Empire, we
shall prove ourselves but unworthy children of those
who won and founded it, and we shall richly deserve
the reproaches of those who come after us, and who
assuredly will suffer bitterly for our fault."

In 1903 the question of Tariff Reform became
red-hot. Mr. Ritchie, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, threatened to resign if the shilling duty
on imported corn was not repealed : and the Unionist
Government repealed it. That repeal was a mistake,
for the duty was bringing in a substantial revenue.
A proposal to remit this duty on Colonial corn would
have been popular, and would have put Colonial
preference in the position of being a remission, and
not an imposition, of taxation upon a staple food-
stuff.

In September matters came to a crisis in the
Cabinet, and Mr. Chamberlain resigned. In his letter
of resignation addressed to the Prime Minister (Mr.
Balfour) he stated that " a somewhat unscrupulous
use has been made of the old cry of the dear loaf,"
that " serious prejudices have been created," that
" for the present, at any rate, a preferential agree-
ment with our Colonies involving any new duty,
however small, on articles of food hitherto untaxed,
is, even if accompanied by a reduction of taxation
on other articles of food of equally universal con-
sumption, unacceptable to the majority in the con-
stituencies," and that he felt he could " best promote

POLITICAL 141

the cause from outside," where "in a perfectly
independent position my arguments may be received
with less prejudice than would attach to those of a
party leader." Mr. Balfour accepted his resignation,
great though he recognised the loss to the Govern-
ment ; but, as he added in the letter which he ad-
dressed to Mr. Chamberlain, " the gain to the cause
you have at heart may be greater still ; if so, what
can I do but acquiesce ? "

The Duke of Devonshire (after some hesitation),
Mr. Ritchie, Lord George Hamilton, and Lord Balfour
of Burleigh also resigned, because Mr. Balfour, whilst
acquiescing in Mr. Chamberlain's withdrawal from
the Government, would not, as Prime Minister and
Leader of the Party, repudiate Mr. Chamberlain and
his policy. The Government was reconstituted ; but
during the following two years it encountered great
difficulties, mainly owing to differences of opinion
upon the fiscal question among Unionists themselves.

In the autumn of 1903 the Tariff Reform League
of the Cardiff district * were good enough to invite
me to become its President. I have already referred
to the first part of the letter which I wrote accepting
the office (see pp. 138-140). The remainder of the
letter contained the following :

" It was said, and perhaps not without reason,
that proposals should first emanate from the Colonies.
Well, the Colonies have expressed their views, and it
is now for the Mother Country to express hers. I
most sincerely rejoice that the man who has done
more than any one else to consolidate the Empire
has come forward as the champion of a cause which
will, I am sure, commend itself to an overwhelming
majority of my fellow-countrymen when they under-

1 The Association was subsequently reconstituted under the title of the
" South Wales Tariff Reform Federation " (for the development and defence
of the industrial interests of the British Empire), and I remained its President.

142 POLITICAL

stand it. I have always held, and hold now, to the
view that we cannot fight ironclad tariffs with bare
fists, and that it is useless to attempt bargaining with
empty hands ; that discrimination in favour of Colonial
produce and discrimination in favour of home manu-
factures is desirable for the subsistence of our wage-
earners ; that purely sentimental ties may fail to hold
the Empire permanently together if the force of
diverging material interests tends too powerfully to
pull them asunder ; that the British Empire is the
most potentially active instrument making for free-
dom and civilisation that the world has ever yet seen ;
and that it is the duty, as it is the privilege, of this
generation to do all it can to cement the Empire into
a firm and imperishable whole."

That autumn I stayed with Mr. Chamberlain at
Highbury (Birmingham), and there we discussed
the project which I contemplated of forming a
Tariff Reform Association in Ireland. He entirely
approved of it, but on the whole thought it
expedient that he should " keep entirely outside
the movement," partly on the ground that Ireland
might feel that she had a free hand to work
out a scheme for herself, partly because, though
" fully alive to the importance of Ireland," he was
" perfectly conscious that any allusion to the fact
that Ireland would to a certain extent benefit from
anything in the nature of a tax on food would be
taken hold of as the offer of a bribe to the Home
Rulers and Nationalists." He was especially desirous
that the proposed Committee should be independent
of politics, and fully representative of the industrial
and agricultural interests of Ireland.

In June 1904 I contributed lengthy statements of
my views upon the question of Ireland and Tariff
Reform to the Independent and Nation, pointing out
that the question was one which touched profoundly

POLITICAL 143

the prosperity of Ireland, and urging Irishmen not to
let slip an opportunity of securing the advantages
which Tariff Reform would confer upon Ireland lest
it might be long before another opportunity occurred.
I also pointed out that its advocacy could not by any
possibility prejudice the political aspirations of even
the most ardent of Nationalists, and that the question
was one which ought to be discussed and judged
purely on its merits, and by minds unbiassed by
political motives, and not only in reference to Ireland
in particular, but also to the Empire in general, of
which she formed a part.

Mr. Chamberlain's views upon the prospects of
Tariff Reform and of the Unionist Party at the
next General Election were, as he wrote to me, that
the General Election would come next year (1905)
after a Redistribution Bill had been either passed
or defeated, an appeal to the country being equally
necessary in either case.

Meanwhile he did not think any sensational
campaign necessary or desirable ; but desired that
the constituencies should be quietly instructed and
the sheep separated from the goats. Success required
a united party. The minority must give way to the
majority and leave the organisation in the latter's
hands. When this was done, victory was certain at
the next swing of the pendulum.

He regarded the next General Election as lost to
the Unionist Party, although not by a large majority;
and thought that we must really work with an eye to
the election after that.

In January 1906 came the General Election, in
which the differences of the Party on the fiscal ques-
tion were a very serious source of weakness. The
extreme views expressed by some Tariff Reformers,
and on the other side by some Free Fooders, together

144 POLITICAL

with dislike of any departure from economic tradition,
and the lack of co-operation among the leaders of the
Party, all contributed to the defeat of the Govern-
ment ; and though Tariff Reform was prominent in
the election, it had not a fair chance. Moreover, the
election cry of " Chinese slavery " raised in connection
with the temporary employment of Chinese labour in
South Africa swept the country, and practically turned
the election. For this and other reasons into which
I need not enter the Unionist Government suffered
a disastrous defeat.

After the election much discussion took place as
to the future attitude of the Unionist Party towards
Tariff Reform. The Leadership of the Party was
suggested to Mr. Chamberlain, but he refused to place
himself in competition with Mr. Balfour : at the same
time he asked for a meeting of the Party for the
purpose of having the position defined.

The result was that on February 14 Mr. Balfour
and Mr. Chamberlain exchanged letters which, as they
were written on St. Valentine's Day, became known
as the " Valentine " letters. Mr. Balfour held that
fiscal reform was, and must remain, the first con-
structive work of the Unionist Party : that without
going into particulars, which was not even advisable,
he thought the establishment of a moderate general
tariff on manufactured goods, not for the purpose of
protection but against illegitimate competition, and
a small duty on foreign corn, were not in his opinion
objectionable ; and Mr. Chamberlain entirely agreed
with this description of the objects which he and Mr.
Balfour had in view. This policy was accepted by a
large meeting of the Party held at Lansdowne House
on the following day.

The Unionist Party therefore continued the policy
of Tariff Reform, and extensive propaganda was

POLITICAL 145

undertaken throughout the country, in which the
Tariff Reform League,1 which had established a multi-
tude of branches, took a very prominent and active
part. All propaganda was, of course, closed down
by the advent of a War which wrote " End of the
Chapter " or " Finis " to many projects and schemes.

On this question of Fair Trade, and all that it con-
notes, I am still at this moment of writing (December
1921) unrepentant. My creed is a simple one. I
hope for active co-operation among all English-speak-
ing peoples. I believe in the Commonwealth of
Nations forming the Empire and in the heart of the
Empire these little islands in the North Sea, and I
trust in the strong common sense of the people therein.

Agriculture is the root of all prosperity in every
country, even in England. Barely five years have
slipped away since we were tottering on the very verge
of starvation. Food production at home was then
urged and compelled. Never again, we were told, can
the country be allowed to fall into so perilous a situa-
tion. Already that peril is forgotten. It must not
be forgotten. It must be remembered. Agriculture
must not perish.

The deliberate undercutting of prices is ruinous
to steady trade. Dumping must not be permitted.

If British wage-earners receive better wages than
their competitors, the balance must be made good by
superiority in quality and output. It is a mistake
to speak of capital and labour. Money, brain-power,
muscle, are all capital, and there should be no quarrel
between them.

The debt of the Empire is prodigious, but not

1 Of this League Mr. Hewins was Secretary. He is a very able economist,
an admirable organiser, blessed with clear and special gifts in presenting a
case. He did most excellent work for the cause. From 1917 to 1919 he was
Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, and presided over the Special
Economic Committee of the Imperial Conference of 1918.

VOL. II U

146 POLITICAL

formidable compared with the assets of the Empire.
The realisation of those assets must be expedited.
Rapid development of the resources of the Empire is
the only alternative to paralysing taxation.

During all my life productivity of the soil at
home, fair trade for our manufacturing industries,
peace with Ireland, expansion of the Empire, friend-
ship with the United States, have been the themes
worth struggling for ; and they are worth struggling
for still.

IV

CONCLUSION

And now, having looked back on far-distant years,
may I turn my eyes for the moment on the immediate
past ? What has happened to us all since the War !
Philosophers and historians, psychologists, socio-
logists, and all the other " ologists " will write big
books about it ; but in the meantime what is to
become of us ? Well, the personal will always thrust
itself forward, and naturally I ask myself, What has
happened to me ? I was contented during the War.
That may sound brutal ; but it is a fact — we become
reconciled to, and in a sense indifferent to, plague,
pestilence and famine, battle, murder and sudden
death. I was actively employed. I was doing useful
work, interesting in itself and with the spice of danger
necessary to make it also exciting. Since the War,
though unconscious of any reaction from strain, I
have not been so contented. I was never in doubt
as to what the end of the War would be ; but Peace
has brought uncertainty, disquietude, and serious
doubts about the future. I think that, so far as I
am personally concerned, one cause of contentment
during the War was the fact that I had little or no
responsibility. I got orders, and carried them out to
the best of my ability. I was told when to go, where
to go, and what to do when I got there. Since the
War I have, on my favourite element the sea, been

148 CONCLUSION

my own master and forced to settle for myself and
for others — which is more difficult — when to go and
where to go ; and it has been irksome.

The main causes of social and industrial unrest
and collapse are doubtless the great reaction — the
sudden unbending of the bow ; the dislike of men
to return to a sedentary life ; the illusive dream of
an England " fit for heroes " ; the discovery that all
the tall talk about bringing the Kaiser and other
criminals to justice, and the promise that Germany
would be compelled to pay the expenses of the War,
had come to nothing; the action of Trades Unions
largely responsible for unemployment relieved by a
system of doles enabling a man — a single man — to
live comfortably if he preferred idleness to work. But
I am inclined to think that general discontent is to
some extent due also to sudden reversion to individual
responsibility.

Since the Peace England has shaken to pieces all
my preconceived ideals. What has happened to
her ? What is it that has differentiated her in her
conduct from other nations that have suffered
as much, or more ? The Armistice was scarcely
signed before Belgium set to work to repair damages
and rehabilitate herself. France bears privation
patiently ; and men, women, and children labour,
determined to save France. In Great Britain alone
is to be seen the strange phenomenon of a people
apparently as determined to ruin their country now
as they were insistent on preserving it, at the sacrifice
of their lives, only a few years ago. We are faced
with complications and staggering commitments
abroad ; at home Ireland is still a source of anxiety ;
strikes and lock-outs have dislocated industry ; the
country is taxed beyond the productive limit, and
lies under the shadow of bankruptcy ; agriculture is

CONCLUSION 149

depressed, and the land of England is changing hands,
with no benefit to any one so far as I can see ; in trade
we are unable to compete with our rivals. And to all
this the people seem, until quite lately, to have been
indifferent. Newspapers have to sell their wares,
and they know what the people want. What do
they provide ? What are they full of ? Racing,
football, boxing, polo, golf, lawn-tennis, games, inter-
national competitions — which we lose. Bread and
games ! Have we come to that ? Is our form of
patriotism different from that which makes a French-
man feel and say " anything and everything for
France " ? With us, which comes first — the indivi-
dual, or the country ; my wages, or my native land ?
It is a phase, no doubt, due partly to a quick rebound
from the complete subordination of self during the
War ; to the shattering of idealistic conceptions of
" Merrie England," by reluctance to face the fact
that, if a nation is to save itself, self-sacrifice is as
necessary in peace as in war. It is an evil phase
which will pass, for it is inconceivable that the morale
of a people capable of superhuman effort during the
War should have permanently given way. But this
is moralising, and to moralising there is no end save
in writer's cramp. Nevertheless, looking over these
scribblings, some few comments on so long a retro-
spect may be permitted.

It has been my privilege to be present at notable
pageants celebrating great historical events. Among
them all the one that appealed to me most was on the
occasion when the Prince of Wales, placing his hands
between the King's hands at Carnarvon, did homage
for his Principality of Wales. That was to me much
more than picturesque mediaeval ritual. The Prince
of Wales declaring allegiance to his feudal Lord, and
the Prince of Wales the idol of great democracies,

150 CONCLUSION

symbolises that unbroken chain that, link by link,
uniting the distant past with the present, is the
surest guarantee for the future integrity of Empire.1

I have led a diversified life — many interests con-
flicting because unregulated by any one paramount
ideal. I have seen much of cities and of peoples, and
more of the great open spaces of this wonderfully
beautiful world. Civilised sophisticated mankind I
have studied, and unsophisticated mankind — the
natural man.

Society has been very kind and indulgent to me,
and I have had a very good time : but my heart was
never centred in society, club-land, and the life of great
cities. I have had my "ups and downs," and I have
suffered great bereavements — who has not who trans-
gresses the orthodox limit of threescore years and
ten ? Fortunately the mind has a firmer grasp on
happy than on unhappy memories. I have felt
loneliness, but relieved by friendship; and a great
friendship is the most precious gift of God. My life
has been full. Had I run in the steady rut of politics,
would existence have been more interesting ? I think
not. Would it have been more useful ? That is
another matter. I do not know.

I was always interested in Colonial Affairs ; and
the Foreign Office also attracted me greatly, not only
on account of the work to be done there, but also
because it was to some extent more independent of
party politics than other departments. If the Secre-
tary of State had been in the Commons, and I had
entered public life as Under-Secretary in the Lords,

1 Since then I have witnessed a most pathetically tragic scene — the sur-
render to the King for his safe keeping of the colours of the disbanded Irish
Regiments — the sacrifice of the corporate life of Regiments, with glorious
records, on the altar of economy. A necessary sacrifice I Well, perhaps so ;
but surely great traditions might have been kept alive, and the feelings of
gallant men respected without much expense, by creating a composite
Regiment with the original Regiments represented by companies.

CONCLUSION 151

I would probably have stuck to my job. The truth
of the matter is that politics in the larger sense
appealed to me strongly, while party political life
did not. Government by party is an established and
permanent fact in our political system, and it appears
to me that it worked well enough so long as it meant
government by men who were socially and financially
independent of political life. Doubtless some states-
men honestly believe themselves to be necessary to
their party and their party to be necessary to national
salvation — all great conquerors have been subject to
the same delusion — but the vision of most men is
limited to their own horizon. Even in the days of
which I am now writing, national welfare tended
to become subordinate to party exigencies. Politics
were becoming more and more a trade, and not a
particularly clean one. In short, I have throughout
my life been blessed, or cursed, with a " Cross-bench "
mind.

Imperial expansion and consolidation and a good
understanding between all English-speaking peoples
is a theme which has always deeply moved me, and I
have done what I could to further that ideal. Fully
twenty-five years have passed away since I delivered
an Address in the Athenaeum Hall, Glasgow, under
the auspices of the Scottish Society of Literature and
Art, and in the course of it I expressed a hope not only
" for Colonial Unity, but for the union of all English-
speaking peoples, not only between the United King-
dom and her Colonies, but also with that great English-
speaking Republic in the West." Such a union would,
I believed, " further the cause of true liberty, progress,
and civilisation." I rejoiced, therefore, when in
1918 the English-speaking Union was founded, with
the aim of " increasing the knowledge of one another
possessed by the English-speaking peoples, believing

152 CONCLUSION

that the peace of the world and the progress of man-
kind can be largely helped by the unity in purpose
of the English-speaking democracies." That the aim
is a sound one becomes every day more and more
evident, and upon its realisation the future of the
world largely depends.

A life devoted to science or art is, of all, most to
be envied ; but I had no strong natural aptitude for
art or science. Politics attracted me strongly, and,
had I steadfastly pursued that career, who knows to
what it might have led ? But the life is arduous and
disappointment almost inevitable. Ambition is a
noble quality if directed to a noble end. There is
great joy in struggle, but, if the end is personal, what
then ? In politics a man must make up his mind to
drag back or to pull forward. If he is wise he will
choose the former course, for so difficult is it to get
" a move on " the peoples of this ultra-conservative
country that he may spend half a lifetime, or his whole
life, in successfully resisting something. That is
success, though very negative success. But, if he pulls
forward, he rarely sees achievement accomplished by
himself. Is that failure ? I think not. Certainly
it is not, provided achievement is accomplished by
some one else. Spade-work is as honourable and
fruitful as any other kind of work. The one who
digs the foundation may have been of more use than
he who crowns the edifice.

Political life, even in its lowest aspect — just play-
ing a hand in a great game — is fascinating, but fatigu-
ing, and I do not think I could have stood the strain.
I have not enjoyed good health. Dysentery and other
tropical or semi-tropical diseases have found in me
an easy victim. I came very near leaving my bones
in South Africa during the Boer War, and have never
made a complete recovery. During the last fifty

CONCLUSION 153

years I have had a large experience of gout, and know
more about it than all the doctors in Harley Street.
For the benefit of other sufferers, I may add that
experience teaches me (1) that if you can stand it,
it is better to abstain from remedies and let an
attack work itself out; (2) eat and drink what you
find for yourself that you can best digest ; otherwise
diet makes no difference. If you must exceed, it is
better to exceed in drink than in food. I have also
been cursed by one of those ridiculous nervous systems
that now and then, for no particular reason, spring a
leak and temporarily let all vitality run out, pro-
ducing a condition of abnormal shyness. Shyness
is a disease, and a very inhibitive one. It is a mis-
take to attribute shyness to self-consciousness due to
vanity. That may be the case in the mental form of
the disease ; but it is more often attributable to a
purely physical cause — abnormal sensitiveness due
to depletion of nervous force. I doubt if I could have
endured the strain and stress of an active political
career ; and of this I am certain, I could not have
assented to a perpetual repressive policy towards
Ireland. Neither personal ambition nor a false
estimate of my importance would have enabled me
to condone so foolish and unjust a policy. Sooner
or later I would have been driven to resign, and to do
so sooner rather than later may have been wise action
on my part.

Existence has been full of interest, vibrating
under the force of great developments. Radical
modifications in the social structure have taken place.
I have seen a revolution in means of locomotion, of
transport, and of communication. Wireless and flying
must in the future do much to rub down the rough
edges of national prejudice5 and will effect profound
changes in the relations of nations towards one

VOL. II x

154 CONCLUSION

another that may be vital to humanity. A great
advance in physical science, a stirring of the dry
bones of theology among the Churches — all these,
and many more changes have taken place in the half-
century during which I took an intelligent interest in
such matters. I have seen a great war — in a great
cause, exhibiting the noblest attributes of human
nature. I have witnessed the psychological reactions
and the material results in the overthrow of financial
stability. In the sphere of politics the desires of my
heart were justice to Ireland for Ireland's sake, and
for the sake of the Empire ; and expansion and con-
solidation of the Empire. Ireland has been offered
a position from which she can achieve all that she can
sanely desire; and Colonies that fifty or sixty years
ago were looked upon as encumbrances have become
a great Commonwealth of Nations.

Youth is joyous, but it has no monopoly of happi-
ness. New interests push off the old ones, as buds
push off the old leaves. With the changing years we
change our toys : that is about all that happens.
And this much I can say — I have never been bored.
Many friends of mine, young men, have been blase
— tired of everything. I do not understand it. I
cannot imagine how any one ever was, or ever could
be, bored if he lived for thousands of years in this
wonderful world with every blade of grass a mystery.
How can any one tire of life with so much to do and
so little done, with all the problem of this little world
and of the universe unsolved ?

POSTSCRIPT

Since I laid down my pen, or rather my pencil, at
the close of the year 1921, Ireland has been passing
through such an extraordinary phase of her extra-
ordinary political career that, though I have had
little to do with events that have taken place during
the last seven months, I am reluctant to abandon the
subject without trying to summarise them — a far
from easy task.

To follow the course of history and the action and
inaction of the Provisional Government during the
last few months, the difficulties under which that
Government have laboured must be understood.
That Ireland, in the throes of a new birth, was denuded
of troops and police has been severely criticised —
and naturally : but, nevertheless, it was necessary.
Consider what would have happened if they had been
retained. The R.I.C. would have been in an im-
possible position, most unfair to them and their
future prospects, and the position of the military
suddenly called upon to assist and befriend men who
had been waging guerilla warfare against them would
have been nearly as bad. But the real necessity for
withdrawal lay in the fact that if British troops and
the R.I.C. — a semi-military force — had remained in
occupation, no amount of eloquence would have
persuaded the people that the intention to confer
autonomy and evacuate the country was genuine.

155

156 POSTSCRIPT

The Articles of Agreement would not have had a
dog's chance.

The small majority with which the motion to
accept the Articles of Agreement was passed by the
Dail was a grievous disappointment to me. No one
denied that the people were almost unanimous in
accepting the Treaty ; but at the same time the Dail,
representing the people, was, on the motion for
acceptance, nearly equally divided for and against.
That was very awkward for the Provisional Govern-
ment, and their difficulties were aggravated by the
fact that the country was overrun by bandits owing
obedience to none.

The tactics employed by the minority in their
determination to override the will of the people and
to substitute a military dictatorship for constitutional
government were not easy to cope with. Altogether
it must be admitted that the Provisional Government
found themselves faced by unparalleled difficulties ;
and I think it must be admitted also that they have
dealt with the situation with commendable wisdom,
discretion, and ultimately with firmness.

So far as onlookers are concerned, the course of
history has been further obscured by peculiarities in
the relative positions of different governing bodies in
Ireland one to another. Sinn Fein, when originally
instituted, concerned itself mainly with economics
and internal development. When it became political,
it took the history of Hungary for its model, and
claimed for Ireland an independent existence under
a dual monarchy. When it swept the board in the
election of December 1918, it had become republican.
Mr. Arthur Griffith was then President : Mr. de Valera
became President in 1919.

Ard-Fheis is a sort of general meeting of Sinn
Fein — Sinn Fein clubs and other organisations being

POSTSCRIPT 157

represented by delegates. Ard-Fheis may therefore
be considered as a general meeting of the party of
the vast majority of the South and West, and of a
very substantial minority in the six counties forming
the Northern area.

The Dail — the Parliament — was elected in 1921,
and was exclusively Sinn Fein with the exception of
the four members for Trinity College, who, for obvious
reasons, did not take their seats. Mr. de Valera was
then President of the Dail. The whole complexion
of the Dail was changed by its acceptance of the
Articles of Agreement ; and Mr. Arthur Griffith
became President.

Mr. Collins — the Minister of Finance (until his
appointment as Commander-in-Chief of the Supreme
War Council on July 13) — was the Head of the
Government which has been given administrative
authority pending the setting-up of the Free State,
and in that capacity may be looked upon as Prime
Minister. Mr. Arthur Griffith, as President of the
Dail, may be considered Leader of the House of
Commons, and Mr. de Valera, as Chairman of Ard-
Fheis, as Leader of the party that elected the Dail.
The President of the Dail and the Chairman of the
party that elected it were in direct political antagonism
— a curious political position.

The situation was further complicated by most
terrible occurrences in the Northern area. The
inherent difficulty of the situation there was ac-
centuated by a difference of opinion on Clause 12
of the Articles of Agreement setting up a Boundary
Commission. Mr. Collins and Sir James Craig had
agreed (on January 20) to settle the question them-
selves— dispensing with the Boundary Commission ;
and we were all in hopes that a satisfactory agreement
would be come to. But, as has so often happened,

158 POSTSCRIPT

it seems that the two parties held quite different
views as to the meaning of adjusting the boundary.
Mr. Collins thought that, as two whole counties had
refused to come under the Northern Parliament, a
large revision of boundary would take place. Sir
James Craig, on the other hand, believed that the
objects of the Boundary Commission were merely to
effect some very slight modifications. They differed
so absolutely that the idea of a mutually agreed settle-
ment came to an end.

That some revision is necessary was exemplified
by a regrettable incident that occurred about the
middle of January, when certain Monaghan men
on their way to play in a football match at Deny
were arrested by the Northern police, on the ground
that they were carrying arms in Northern territory.
This arrest incensed the I.R.A., and on February 11
a party of nineteen special constables, proceeding
by train to Enniskillen and passing through Southern
territory, were held up by the I.R.A. They resisted,
and several casualties occurred. Since then a neutral
zone has been created between North and South.

It is not necessary, and it would be painful, to
follow in detail all the horrors that occurred in the
North-East. Assassination followed assassination, re-
prisal followed reprisal, outrage followed outrage,
producing a condition resembling at any rate religious
war — the truth about motive will probably never be
known. Whatever it may be, it is certain that the
root of the trouble was in Belfast, where many
thousands of Catholics were turned out of work.
Whether on account of their political views, or of
their religion, made little difference to them. It
was a cruel outrage.

On January 7 the Dail, after wasting thirteen
days in idle discussion, voted on Mr. Griffith's motion

POSTSCRIPT 159

for approving the Articles of Agreement, with the
result of a majority of seven for the Treaty.

Discussions in the Dail have not been of an
edifying character, and it is quite impossible to
follow Mr. de Valera in his extraordinary political
gymnastics. He accused the plenipotentiaries of
exceeding their powers. That accusation was dis-
proved, as was his secondary charge that they had
not reported to him. The Dail argued for days about
the meaning of " Document 2 " and " Document 3,"
and so on, and upon the forms of oaths of allegiance,
all of which amounted to nothing, and were merely
designed to cause delay. Driven from those positions,
Mr. de Valera demanded revision of the existing
Register of Electors on the ground that it contained
several tens of thousands of names which ought not
to be on it and omitted several tens of thousands of
names which ought to be on it. Mr. Griffith replied
that the Register was perfectly valid, and that he
would not be a party to preventing the electorate
from expressing their views : that if the judgment of
the people proved to be in favour of the Treaty, and
if the Constitution was endorsed, a measure of adult
suffrage would be introduced, and the country would
have an opportunity of electing the succeeding Parlia-
ment on a Register compiled on that basis. He
added that he would be acting contrary to the best
interests of Ireland if he allowed any further attempt
to postpone the elections to succeed.

Finally, Mr. de Valera came to rest on the ground
that he was a pure and simple Republican, and that,
if re-elected President, he would " have the right to
get a Cabinet who would think with him and to the
full use of the resources of the Republic to defend the
Republic " and would " throw out the Treaty." At
a meeting of Ard-Fheis in Dublin towards the end

160 POSTSCRIPT

of February, he moved a Resolution that the aim of
the Sinn Fein organisation should continue to be to
" secure the international recognition of Ireland as
an independent Republic." This was an entirely
new attitude on his part. He had told us himself
that he took the oath of allegiance to the Republic
in order to do the best he could for the Irish people,
but that he was " not a republican doctrinaire as
such." He had advocated the republican form of
government as the only form of government that
was suitable for the occasion. But, in any case,
whatever his real opinions may have been, he
abandoned the establishment of a republic as essential
when he sent plenipotentiaries to London to engage
in a conference in which, as a preliminary, it had been
agreed that a republican form of government was not
to be discussed. The terms of reference to the
plenipotentiaries — " to negotiate and conclude, on
behalf of Ireland, a Treaty or Treaties of settlement,
association, and accommodation between Ireland and
the Community of Nations known as the British
Commonwealth " — precluded the idea of an inde-
pendent Republic.

On February 23, in order " to avoid a division of
the Sinn Fein organisation and avert the danger to
the country of an immediate election, and to give an
opportunity to the signatories of the London agree-
ment to draft a Constitution, so that when the people
were asked to vote at elections to decide between the
Republic and the Saorstat (the Free State), the Con-
stitution of the latter might be definitely before them,"
an agreement was reached between the Provisional
Government and Mr. de Valera providing (1) for a
three months' adjournment of Ard-Fheis, during which
period Dail Eireann was to meet regularly and con-
tinue to function in all its departments as before the

POSTSCRIPT 161

signing of the Articles of Agreement ; (2) for no Par-
liamentary election to be held in the meantime ; and
(3) for the Constitution in its final form to be presented
at the same time as the Articles of Agreement when
the election did take place.

The second reading of the Irish Free State (Agree-
ment) Bill was moved by Mr. Churchill on February 16,
when he strongly argued in favour of " clothing the
Provisional Government with lawful authority with-
out delay ; and yet it was not until March 21 that the
Bill came up to the Lords. I spoke on the 22nd.
The Bill was admittedly very imperfect and obscure
on some points ; but I urged the House not to
introduce amendments that would have even the
appearance of altering the Articles of Agreement,
either directly or indirectly. I reminded the House
that Mr. de Valera had used with great effect the
argument that by some means or other Ireland would
be cheated out of the independence granted in the
Articles of Agreement. I pointed out that no com-
munity of people had ever been placed in so difficult
a position — a complete change of government con-
templated, and the country absolutely denuded of
military and police during the interval which must
elapse between the exit of one form of Government
and the entry and full establishment of the other ;
and I urged that the best and most efficacious way of
putting an end to the unparalleled condition of things
was to set up a Provisional Government at the earliest
possible moment, giving them full power and auth-
ority. If, I said, the Irish people refused to accept
the terms of the Agreement, the responsibility rested
upon them ; but if anything was done by the Lords
that could justify the people of Ireland in agreeing
with Mr. de Valera that they could never get assured
independence except by setting up an independent

VOL. II Y

162 POSTSCRIPT

Republic, then the responsibility rested upon the
House of Lords and Parliament.

On March 31 the final stage of the measure was
reached in the House of Lords, and the Bill received
the Royal Assent. This long delay was most unfor-
tunate. Had the Bill been rushed through immedi-
ately after the Treaty had been accepted by the Dail,
and had an election followed immediately, all would
have been well, for it is no exaggeration to say that,
at the very least, 95 per cent of the people were
strongly in favour of the establishment of the Free
State. On the other hand, the matter has throughout
been so ably handled by Mr. Churchill that it is safe
to assume that delay was unavoidable.

The Provisional Government appear to have been
afflicted from the commencement with that obliquity
of vision which has so often proved fatal to Ireland.
They have laboured incessantly to come to terms with
their opponents in order to preserve the unity of the
party, being unable to see that they were sacrificing
substance for shadow, and reality to a mere semblance.
But, on the other hand, their desire to avoid blood-
shed, their horror of the idea of comrades turning
their weapons against each other, is natural, and to
be respected.

In his speech at the meeting of Ard-Fheis in Dublin
on May 23, which, by agreement with the Provisional
Government had, on February 23, been adjourned for
three months, Mr. Michael Collins mentioned, as an
instance of the fatal effects of disunion, the dispute
between Butt and Parnell, and over Parnell himself ;
but he failed to see that these were disputes on per-
sonal matters. Over and over again the interests of
Ireland have been sacrificed to preserve the unity of
a party. Party discipline is, of course, necessary for
the achievement of great ends, and personal differences

POSTSCRIPT 163

should be put on one side ; but when a party is split
from top to bottom on a fundamental issue, as was the
case now, real unity is obviously impossible. A split
so complete cannot be stuck together by phrases and
soft words.

As early as January 3 Mr. Collins made overtures
to maintain unity, and a Committee of both sides
was appointed to endeavour to find some compromise.
Of course they failed, and it came to nothing. On
February 23 came the agreement (to which I have
already referred) between the Provisional Govern-
ment and Mr. de Valera providing for a three months'
adjournment of Ard-Fheis and the postponing of the
elections for the same period. Towards the end of
March Mr. Griffith declared that an Army Convention
which it was proposed to hold in Dublin was illegal,
and instructed the Minister for Defence that the hold-
ing of the Convention was forbidden, as it was evident
that it was proposed to endeavour to remove the
Army from under the control of the Government
elected by the people — Dail Eireann. The Con-
vention was, however, held, and passed resolutions
reaffirming its allegiance to the Irish Republic. On
April 19 a series of conferences took place between
Mr. Collins, Mr. Griffith, Mr. de Valera and Mr. Brugha
with the avowed object of arranging for a truce over
the election.

Three definite proposals were made by Mr. Griffith
and Mr. Collins to the Republican Leaders :

1. That a general election should proceed in June
on the issue of the Treaty and Constitution ; that
the opponents of the Treaty should guarantee that
no attempt would be made to intimidate or obstruct
the voters from exercising their lawful rights ; that,
in the event of the issue being favourable to the

164 POSTSCRIPT

Government, the Constitution should be enacted
subject to any amendments carried by the House ;
that, after its enactment and other essential legisla-
tion, including the enactment of adult suffrage, the
Irish Parliament should dissolve and a new General
Election be held, in which every adult would partici-
pate, ratifying or non-ratifying by the popular voice
the Constitution.

2. That an election should be held in June on
the single issue of the Treaty. That the body elected
should devise the Constitution and pass a measure
of adult suffrage, thereafter dissolving and giving
the adult population a free opportunity of accepting,
rejecting, or amending the Constitution.

3. That the Ard-Fheis Agreement of February 22
should be duly honoured in the letter and the spirit,
and that a plebiscite of the people on the issue of
acceptance or rejection of the Treaty should be taken
within a month. It was suggested that the plebiscite
should be held on a Sunday and that all persons of
21 years and upwards should be entitled to take
part in it ; and that local committees should arrange
the details.

All were refused by the Republican Party; and
on April 30, no basis of agreement having been
found, the conference was broken up, and the Pro-
visional Government decided to proceed with the
elections, stating that " the people of Ireland who
are, and must be, the sovereign authority, shall be
free to vote their approval or disapproval of the
Treaty, signed by their authorised plenipotentiaries."
They added, " This duty it will discharge on the con-
viction of Abraham Lincoln that the will of the people
must be supreme and that government of the people,
by the people, for the people, shall not perish from
this earth."

POSTSCRIPT 165

On May 1 a manifesto was issued, signed by Mr.
Collins and Mr. Mulcahy, Minister of Defence, and
other Officers of the I.R.A., setting forth a basis for
the closing of the ranks all round. They recom-
mended :

1. The acceptance of the fact, admitted by all

sides, that the majority of the people of
Ireland are willing to accept the Treaty.

2. An agreed election, with a view to —

3. Forming a Government which would have the

confidence of the whole country ; and —

4. Army unification on the above basis.

To this the Republican Forces replied that the
statement did not tend towards the unification of
the Army, but made for further disunion, and was
" clearly a political dodge intended by the anti-
republicans to split the republican ranks."

On the following day hopes were raised by the
appointment by Dail Eireann of a Committee of Ten
— five from the Treaty party and five from the anti-
Treaty party — to consider proposals for an election and
national government. The Committee held eleven
sessions, but on May 10 it announced that it had failed
to find a basis of agreement. A further effort was
made on the 13th, when the Committee resumed
deliberations ; but that effort also failed.

On May 19 Mr. Griffith made a gallant speech
in the Dail, in which he stood up for the rights of
the people to express their own opinions. He said :
" Those men who would deny to the people of
Ireland the right to vote on this vital issue were the
enemies of the Irish nation, and let them call them-
selves what they would, they were the enemies of
the nation, of democracy, and of civilised govern-
ment. If this country, or any other country, was

166 POSTSCRIPT

going to submit to the rule of the revolver, civilisation
was scrapped at once." And he added : " We are
not going to adopt the rule of the bullet ; we are
going to give the people the right to express their
opinions, no matter what intimidation is brought
against us, and no matter what methods are adopted."

But, the day after, an agreement was signed
by Mr. Collins and Mr. de Valera, and approved
by the Dail on the same day, to the following
effect :

That a " National Coalition Panel " represent-
ing both parties in the Dail and in the Sinn Fein
Organisation should be sent forward, on the ground
that the national position " required the entrusting
of the government of the country into the joint
hands of those who have been the strength of the
national situation during the last few years, without
prejudice to their respective positions ; " the number
for each party to be its then strength in the Dail ;
candidates to be nominated through the existing
Party Executives ; " any and every interest to be
free to go up and contest the election equally with
the National-Sinn Fein-Panel ; " the executive, after
the Election, to consist of the President (elected as
formerly), the Minister of Defence (representing the
Army), and nine other Ministers — five from the
majority party and four from the minority : and,
in the event of the Coalition Government finding it
necessary to dissolve, a General Election to be held
as soon as possible on Adult Suffrage. Sir James
Craig took the view that the new Peace Pact changed
the whole situation. On May 22 Mr. Churchill stated
to the House of Commons that the Government
did not fully understand the new Agreement, which
appeared to raise serious issues, and that they had
summoned the signatories of the Treaty to London

POSTSCRIPT 167

to discuss the Constitution. Several meetings took
place, and on the morning of June 16 — the day
on which the elections were held — the text of a
draft Constitution of the Irish Free State which both
parties had agreed to was published.

It is impossible to deal with this Constitution in a
brief and supplementary chapter : the only comment
I would make upon it is that the powers of the
Senate are too limited. The reconstruction of Ireland
will be expensive, Ireland's credit will depend entirely
upon the firm establishment of stable government ; and
that will depend upon the solid business element of
the population having a fair share of control.

As was to be expected from the intransigent
attitude of the Republicans, the Constitution met
with a direct negative, Mr. de Valera describing it as
" peculiarly fitted to the end in view — the degradation
of a people, directed not against the few, but against
the many " : and he added, " Dail Eireann will not
dishonour itself by passing it."

In spite of the " National Coalition Panel," and
the extraordinary conditions under which the elec-
tions were held, they passed off fairly peaceably, and
demonstrated that the vast majority were in favour
of the Treaty. There were victories of real signi-
ficance. For the city of Cork seven candidates stood
for four seats, but only one Republican (Mrs.
MacSwiney, the widow of a former Republican Lord
Mayor of the city, whose hunger-strike caused his
death) was elected, and she was at the bottom of the
poll. In the city of Dublin the Republican Party
suffered a severe reverse. The former representation
of the city, consisting of seven members of the Treaty
Party and five members of the Republican Party, was
changed to seven members in favour of the Treaty —
three Independents, one Republican and one Labour.

168 POSTSCRIPT

Pro-Treaty candidates received 46,936 votes, while
the Republican votes amounted to only 4819. The
will of the electors in Dublin County was even more
markedly expressed, the voting in favour of the
Treaty being 10 to 1. Mr. Michael Collins, standing
for Mid-Cork, secured a great victory, receiving
17,106 votes, the second candidate (a Labour candi-
date) receiving 7513.

The final results were as follows : Pro-Treaty
Members returned, 58 ; Anti-Treaty, 36 ; Labour, 17 ;
Farmers, 7 ; Independents, 6 ; Dublin University, 4.
It must be remembered, however, that 34 of the
Panel candidates were returned unopposed, 17 being
returned for each side.

Labour asserted itself, only one of the 18
candidates which that party put forward being
defeated, and he was defeated by the Minister of
Labour by only 13 votes. The elections — un-
questionably a triumph for the Treaty, and plainly
indicating the will of the people — enabled the Govern-
ment to take active steps to assert their authority.
They had exhausted their patience and the patience
of the country in laudable endeavours to avoid
bloodshed, but were finally driven to a decision to
put down mutiny and brigandage by force — a decision
strengthened by a speech of Mr. Winston Churchill's
in the House of Commons. Firmness, he said, was
needed as much in the interests of peace as was
patience. He expressed the view that as the Irish
Government was greatly strengthened its duty was
to give effect to the Treaty in the letter and in the
spirit, and without delay. He declared that the
presence in Dublin, in violent occupation of the Four
Courts, of a band of men styling themselves the
Headquarters of the Republican Executive, was a
grave breach and defiance of the Treaty, and that

POSTSCRIPT 169

" if the campaign of murder and outrage did not
cease, the Government would consider that the Treaty
had been formally violated, and would resume their
freedom of action." He renewed the pledge to defend
Ulster against coercion from the South ; and, at the
same time, declared that there could be no further
excuse for acts of lawless reprisals against the Catholics
in their midst.

On the following day an official statement was
issued by the Irish Government, which declared that :
" Since the close of the General Election, at which
the will of the people of Ireland was ascertained,
further grave acts against the security of person and
property have been committed in Dublin, and in
some other parts of Ireland, by persons pretending
to act with authority. It is the duty of the Govern-
ment, to which the people have entrusted their
defence and the conduct of their affairs, to protect
and secure all law-respecting citizens without dis-
tinction, and that duty the Government will resolutely
perform." It went on to say that " Such outrages
against the Nation and the Government must cease
at once, and cease for ever"; and that "for some
months past all classes of business in Ireland has
suffered severely through the feeling of insecurity
engendered by reckless and wicked acts which have
tarnished the reputation of Ireland abroad." The
statement concluded : " The Government is deter-
mined that the country shall no longer be held up
from the pursuit of its normal life and the re-estab-
lishment of its free national institutions. It calls
therefore on the citizens to co-operate actively with
it in the measures it is taking to ensure the public
safety, and to secure Ireland for the Irish people."

The next day, in the early hours of the morning,
the Irish Government launched an attack upon the

VOL. II z

170 POSTSCRIPT

Four Courts. The rebels were given a time limit
within which to vacate the Courts, but, as no reply-
was received to the ultimatum, the Four Courts
were surrounded. Another party invested the Orange
Hall — a second stronghold — in Rutland Square. On
the following Friday, after much bombardment, the
Courts were rushed. Later on in the day they caught
fire, and a few minutes afterwards occurred a terrific
explosion (which appears to have been caused by
the Irregulars exploding ground mines), which shook
the whole of Dublin and resulted in casualties to
over thirty of the National troops. Soon after, the
Irregulars hoisted the White Flag, and surrendered
unconditionally.

The surrender was followed by a lull, and the
remainder of the Irregulars, with de Valera among
the leaders, fortified themselves in a square of hotels
and other buildings in the Sackville Street area. The
task of dislodging the rebels was not an easy one ;
but a close investment, coupled with vigorous attacks,
resulted, after a five days' battle, in victory.

The tactics adopted were an imitation of those of
Easter Week, 1916 — street fighting by men without
uniform in the midst of a congested civilian popula-
tion. Such methods cannot be too severely con-
demned. Moreover, the destruction of valuable build-
ings— inevitable in the circumstances — is a tragedy.
The restoration of the Sackville Street area alone will
cost an appalling sum ; and the loss of the Four
Courts cannot be measured in pounds, shillings and
pence. The attack was admirably planned and carried
out. The back of the rebellion was broken by its
complete discomfiture in Dublin, and the strong
action taken by the Provisional Government — dis-
tasteful as it must have been to them to take it
against old comrades — proved their resolve that the

POSTSCRIPT 171

people's will as expressed at the elections should not
be flaunted, and that Ireland would not be allowed
to fall under the rule of a pseudo-military dictatorship.

My references to these events would be incomplete
if I failed to refer to the various Proclamations issued
by the Provisional Government during this very
critical crisis.

On June 28, the day on which the attack on the
Four Courts began, Mr. Collins made a statement to
the Press, putting the position in a nutshell, and
clearly indicating that the failure of the Provisional
Government to give evidence of their strength had
been due to the hope that, in the event of a definite
mandate being given at the General Election, that
mandate would be " respected by all elements and
interests in the country who pretended to any degree
of patriotism." Mr. Collins said that the Govern-
ment had " borne with extreme patience the illegal
and improper conduct of certain elements since the
signing of the Treaty with Great Britain and its
endorsement by the supreme Authority of the nation —
Dail Eireann " ; and that on many occasions within
the past six months they had gone far to meet them
and had refrained from taking any action, despite the
greatest provocation, and at the risk of laying them-
selves open to the serious charge of neglecting their
duty to their citizens. He added that the General
Election had shown the huge majority of four to one
— a very definite mandate to maintain the situation
created by the Treaty, and to enforce order and
settled conditions ; that their fond hopes that such
an unmistakable mandate would be respected had
not been realised ; that still after the elections they
had cherished the belief that in a little while even
the most disorderly element would come to see
that the people's will could not be flaunted with

172 POSTSCRIPT

impunity ; but that action was now absolutely
necessary.

On the same day the Provisional Government
issued a Proclamation in which they said that " a
section of our people have set themselves against the
people's will so emphatically declared. Against your
mandate they proclaim war," and " under cover of
revered battle cries they have enlisted Irish youths,
and set them deliberately to the task of creating
disorder by defying every lawful activity of an Irish
Government." It added : " The Government cannot
tolerate this organised system of brigandage and out-
rage, and they will not allow the will of the people
to be openly flouted by an armed section of the
community which is in rebellion not only against the
Government but against the people of Ireland." And
it concluded : " Now that it has got this definite
mandate, it intends to carry on determinedly as the
sole Government of the Irish people. The safety of
the nation is the first law, and henceforth we shall
not rest until we have established the authority of
the people of Ireland in every square mile under their
jurisdiction."

Two days later the Irish Minister for Defence also
issued a Proclamation, stating that " the social and
economic life of the country is being brought to chaos
by a disorder which is invading our country's life
through the action of men some of whom were former
associates of your own, and who now seek to arrogate
to themselves an authority to interfere with, and
destroy, the lives and properties of others of their
countrymen " ; and it went on to say : " With all the
strength and with all the clearness with which we
have denied, and do deny the right of any but Irish-
men to interfere in our national affairs, with all that
strength and with all that clearness do we deny the

POSTSCRIPT 173

right of any Irishman or of any section of Irishmen
to bring disorder on our country or injury to any of
our countrymen." On the same day the Provisional
Government also issued a Proclamation paying a
tribute to the Army in its battle " against the forces
of anarchy in the capital," and stating that it was
faced with a conspiracy whose calculated end was to
destroy the Treaty signed by their representatives and
endorsed by them.

Defeated in the capital, the Rebels throughout the
country set to work to resist by every possible means
the authority of the Free State, and many conflicts
took place. Communications were entirely inter-
rupted, and whole districts isolated. The conditions
were really worse than actual civil war. The so-
called Republicans wore no uniforms or any distinct
marks to distinguish them from the ordinary civil
population, which greatly increased the difficulties
against which the Free State Army had to contend.

On July 6 the Government issued a Proclamation
to the " Men of Ireland." It said : " The valour and
patriotism of our National Army has broken the con-
spiracy to override the will of the nation and subject
the people to a despotism based on brigandage and
ruthlessly regardless of the people's inalienable right
to life, liberty and security " ; and went on to say
that, though the present active strength of the Army
had been sufficient to deal adequately with the recent
situation, there was a possibility of continued sporadic
action which made an increase in the Army establish-
ment virtually necessary ; it had therefore issued
instructions to the General Headquarters Staff of the
Volunteer Organisation to place its establishment on
an active service basis and to recruit all other citizens
who desired to join the National ranks. It added :
" A wicked and sanguinary attempt has been made to

174 POSTSCRIPT

thwart your will and to thrust you back again into
the house of bondage with your capacity for self-
government discredited before the world " ; and it
concluded : "At this crisis in our nation's history,
the Government confidently looks to the Irish Volun-
teers to respond to the present appeal, and it looks
with equal confidence to all other citizens to respond
as willingly, and do their part in making our country
safe for democracy and to re-establish the resurgent
and triumphant Irish nation on firm and lasting
foundations."

This appeal is a noble one, and it gives sound
advice to the classes that may be termed ex-unionists.
It is their duty and it will be their salvation to give
all the help, moral and physical, that is within their
power to the Irish Government. It moved me to
write the following letter to the Dublin newspapers :

"The Irish Government have done their duty to the
citizens and with a heartbreak which, perhaps, only those
who had to act in a tragedy of a similar character in South
Africa can understand. They have now to recreate Ireland,
and have a right to expect the citizens to do their duty to
them. They appeal for help in a Proclamation that puts the
issue, and the necessities arising from it, plainly before the
people. Ireland has to rely upon herself and herself alone.
If she is to be saved she must save herself ; and salvation
can be found in one way only — the defeat of the spirit of
anarchy, and the establishment and maintenance of con-
stitutional government. That is the only alternative to
utter destruction, and must appeal to all who love their
country, whatever their political views may have been.

The Government appeal to all individuals and all classes.
There are many of us whose activities are restricted by age,
by the requirements of business, and by other unavoidable
conditions, but they can 'do their bit.' The Government
has expressed confidence in them, and that confidence must
not prove to be misplaced.

The object is to put down crime from whatever source

POSTSCRIPT 175

it springs, and to give the security to life and property that
is essential if Ireland is not to become an industrial and social
wreck. With those objects in view, and acting in their
own localities, men who are unable to take a more active
part can, if given a lead and authorised, give voluntary
assistance to the Government as civic guards or in some
similar capacity, until such time as civil courts are function-
ing and the ordinary procedure of civilisation is established
and maintained under the sanction of regular police."

On July 13 the Irish Government nominated a
Supreme War Council, Mr. Collins being appointed Com-
mander-in-Chief, and Mr. Mulcahy, in addition to re-
maining Minister of Defence, becoming Chief-of-Staff .

To break the rebellion is for the present, and will
be for some time, the first consideration for the Irish
Government. They have cleared the Capital, and,
in taking Limerick and Waterford, they have broken
the line of the Republicans, who are in full, and
apparently in disordered, retreat.

The mentality of responsible Republican leaders
determined to carry on a useless struggle, which can
only prolong the agony of their country, is difficult
to understand, and it may be that, if not absolutely
blinded by fanaticism, they will bow to the inevitable,
and advise their supporters to give up their arms
and go to their homes and lawful occupations. In
any case, it cannot be long before the Republicans,
so far as they are an organised body, will be defeated ;
but a very arduous task will remain to test all the
courage and determination of the Free State leaders
and their troops. Sniping continues even in Dublin,
and bands of banditti, broken men and irresponsible
armed children, roam the country. Such a condition
is extremely difficult to deal with ; arms, especially
pistols, must be surrendered ; and it may be long
before the country is really at peace.

176 POSTSCRIPT

And after that comes reconstruction. Destruction
has been complete and universal. Reconstruction
will be arduous and costly. The next few years will
tax the patience of the people and try the metal
that they are made of. Ireland has lost much good
blood, and I have often heard doubts expressed as
to whether the human material available is equal to
the task imposed upon it. For generations the best
of Ireland's sons joined the armies of France and of
other nations, and in modern times the fittest of her
sons and daughters emigrated. That is all quite
true ; but, nevertheless, that plenty of good material
remains at home is proved by the deference paid to
Sinn Fein courts, and by the calm patience and
governing qualities displayed by the leaders of the
Provisional Government. The future is obscure, but
I am not afraid of it.

I had hoped that before concluding this Postscript
the new Dail would have met, and that I would have
been enabled to comment on the statement that the
Government must then make ; but printers are
urgent, and this rough sketch must be brought to a
close. By acceptance of the Treaty the foundations
of a just and durable peace have been laid. God
grant that on that sure foundation an edifice worthy
of the people will be raised by their enduring patience
and by the genius of their leaders.

July 31, 1922.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

(Extract from The Complete Yachtsman, Major Heckstall
Smith.1)

After referring to the success of the American designer
Herreshoff in 1895, with his 20-rater plate and bulb type
yacht Niagara over the British boats, Heckstall Smith, in his
book The Complete Yachtsman, wrote :

" Had it not been for a yacht in the class also designed
on the pure plate and bulb principle, and, moreover, designed
by an amateur, which bravely upheld the prestige of British
yachting in 1895, the Niagara would have then swept the
board.

" The Earl of Dunraven, however, a yachtsman with
a natural talent for perceiving the properties required to
render a racing vessel weatherly and fast, made a model
for a 52-footer in clay, and she was built to his model ; this
vessel was the Audrey, and she competed with extraordinary
success against the Niagara and a very strong class of 20-
raters. Lord Dunraven's knowledge and grasp of great
problems, which in the days of vanishing displacement and
the introduction of fin and bulb principle of attaining stability
disturbed the minds of scientific yachtsmen, was extra-
ordinary.

" Bentall, the agricultural implement maker, had accom-
plished, twenty years before, a remarkable feat in designing
the Jullanar. We have told how in 1875 he foresaw the
coming of a reduced wetted surface, and designed Jullanar

1 Reprinted by the kind permission of Major Heckstall Smith and Messrs.
Methuen & Co., the publishers of his book.

VOL. II 177 2 A

178 APPENDIX I

and Evolution, If, however, BentalPs feat was remarkable,
Dunraven's was marvellous. In the twenty years inter-
vening, yacht-designing had become a science, and Lord
Dunraven had the combined talent of Great Britain and
America against him. He designed Audrey in 1894, and
built her in that year, but, although his ideas were right, he
did not manage to fit the boat to the rule at the first attempt,
and no one noticed her in 1894 ; she was a failure. In the
winter he pulled her to pieces and rebuilt her ; she was a
skimming dish with a metal fin and plate, and she came out
in 1895, and the following was the result of her season :
Niagara (Herreshoff), 25 first ; Audrey (Dunraven), 16 ;
Inyoni (Nicholson), 15 ; Zinita (Fife), 6 ; Isolde (Herreshoff),
3 ; Stephanie (Clayton), 3 ; Eucharis (Fife), 2 ; Luna (Fife),
0 ; Vineta (Watson), 0 ; Dragon (Fife), 0. The only other
British 20-rater with a metal fin in that year was Fife's
Eucharis, and although she went well in the first race she
sailed she was not a great prize-winner. Great Britain had
only one bulb fin boat in the 20-rating class able to tackle
Niagara, and that was Lord Dunraven's Audrey,

" We may be told that Dunraven had done nothing new
in bringing out a plate and bulb craft in 1895. He was not
the first man to introduce the type. It is, of course, true
that professional designers had tried the type and found
it very successful in the small classes ; Nicholson's Gareth
proving a perfect flier in the 2j-rating class as early as 1892.

" This, however, is only a stronger reason why the pro-
fessional designers should have introduced the type into the
larger classes, instead of only timidly introducing a com-
promise in the form of a wooden-built fin keel. Lord
Dunraven alone had the courage to turn out a vessel of the
extreme type.

" In 1875, Watson was carefully feeling his way when
Bentall boldly took the lead with Jullanar, In 1892-94 the
leading scientific designers were proceeding gingerly also, and
no big vessel had been produced of the extreme type on this
side of the Atlantic when Dunraven built Audrey, Bentall's
name may justly be associated with the more original work ;
but Dunraven's masterpiece was wrought in the face of far
tougher opposition."

APPENDIX II

(Report of the Land Conference, January 1903.)

Whereas it is expedient that the Land Question in Ireland
be settled so far as it is practicable, and without delay ;

And whereas the existing position of the Land Question is
adverse to the improvement of the soil of Ireland, leads
to unending controversies and lawsuits between owners
and occupiers, retards progress in the country, and
constitutes a grave danger to the State ;

And whereas an opportunity of settling once for all the
differences between owners and occupiers in Ireland
is very desirable ;

And whereas such settlement can only be effected upon a
basis mutually satisfactory to the owners and occupiers
of the land ;

And whereas certain representatives of owners and occupiers
have been desirous of endeavouring to find such basis,
and for that purpose have met in conference together ;

And whereas certain particulars of agreement have been
formulated, discussed, and passed at the Conference, and
it is desirable that the same should be put into writing
and submitted to His Majesty's Government.

After consideration and discussion of various schemes
submitted to the Conference we are agreed :

I. That the only satisfactory settlement of the Land
Question is to be effected by the substitution of an occupying
proprietary in lieu of the existing system of dual ownership.

II. That the process of direct interference by the State
in purchase and re-sale is, in general, tedious and unsatis-
factory, and that therefore, except in cases where at least
half the occupiers or the owner so desire, and except in

179

180 APPENDIX II

districts included in the operations of the Congested Districts
Board, the settlement should be made between owner and
occupier, subject to the necessary investigation by the State
as to title, rental, and security.

III. That it is desirable in the interests of Ireland that
the present owners of land should not, as a result of any
settlement, be expatriated, or, having received payment for
their land, should find no object for remaining in Ireland,
and that, as the effect of a far-reaching settlement must
necessarily be to cause the sale of tenancies throughout the
whole of Ireland, inducements should, wherever practicable,
be afforded to selling owners to continue to reside in that
country.

IV. That, for the purpose of obtaining such a result, an
equitable price ought to be paid to the owners, which should
be based upon income.

Income, as it appears to us, is second-term rents, including
all rents fixed subsequent to the passing of the Act of 1896,
or their fair equivalent.

V. That the purchase price should be based upon income
as indicated above, and should be either the assurance by
the State of such income or the payment of a capital sum
producing such income at 3 per cent, or at 3J per cent
if guaranteed by the State, or if the existing powers of
trustees be sufficiently enlarged.

Costs of collection, where such exist, not exceeding 10
per cent, are not included for the purpose of these para-
graphs in the word " income."

VI. That such income or capital sum should be obtainable
by the owners

(a) Without the requirement of capital outlay upon their

part, such as would be involved by charges for
proving title to sell, six years' possession as pro-
posed in the bill brought forward in the Session
of 1902 appears to us a satisfactory method of
dealing with the matter ;

(b) Without the requirement of outlay to prove title to

receive the purchase-money ;

(c) Without unreasonable delay ;

(d) Without loss of income pending re-investment ;

APPENDIX II 181

(e) And without leaving portion of the capital sum as a
guarantee deposit.

VII. That, as a necessary inducement to selling owners
to continue to reside in Ireland, the provision in the Bill
introduced by the Chief Secretary for Ireland in the Session
of 1902 with regard to the purchase of mansion houses,
demesne lands, and home farms by the State, and re-sale by
it to the owners, ought to be extended.

VIII. We suggest that, in certain cases, it would be to the
advantage of the State, as ensuring more adequate security,
and also an advantage to owners in such cases, if, upon the
purchase by the State of the mansion house and demesne
land, and re-sale to the owner, the house and demesne land
should not be considered a security to the mortgagees.

IX. That owners, wishing to sell portions of grazing land
in their own hands for the purpose of enlarging neighbouring
tenancies, should be entitled to make an agreement with the
tenants ; and that, in the event of proposed purchase by
the tenants, such grazing land may be considered as part of
the tenancies for the purpose of purchase.

X. That, in addition to the income, or capital sum
producing the income, the sum due for rent from the last
rent-day till the date of the agreement for purchase, and the
hanging gale, should be paid by the State to the owner.

XI. That all liabilities by the owner which run with the
land, such as head-rents, quit-rents, and tithe-rent charge,
should be redeemed, and the capital sum paid for such
redemption deducted from the purchase-money payable to
the owner. Provided always, that the price of the redemp-
tion should be calculated on a basis not higher as regards
annual value than is used in calculating the purchase price
of the estate. In any special cases, where it may have to be
calculated upon a different basis, the owner should not suffer
thereby.

Owners liable to drainage charges should be entitled to
redeem same upon equitable terms, having regard to the
varying rates of interest at which such loans were made.

XII. That the amount of the purchase-money payable
by the tenants should be extended over a series of years,
and be at such a rate, in respect of principal and interest, as

182 APPENDIX II

will at once secure a reduction of not less than 15 per cent,
or more than 25 per cent, on second-term rents, or their fair
equivalent, with further periodical reductions, as under exist-
ing Land Purchase Acts, until such time as the Treasury
is satisfied that the loan has been repaid. This may involve
some assistance from the State beyond the use of its credit,
which, under circumstances hereinafter mentioned, we
consider may reasonably be granted. Facilities should be
provided for the redemption at any time of the purchase-
money, or part thereof, by payment of the capital or any
part thereof.

XIII. That the hanging gale, where such custom exists,
should be included in the loan, and paid off in the instalments
to be paid by the purchasing occupier, and should not be a
debt immediately recoverable from the occupier ; but the
amount of rent ordinarily payable for the period between
the date when the last payment fell due and the date of
agreement for sale should be payable as part of the first
instalment.

XIV. That counties wholly or partly under the operations
of the Congested Districts Board or other districts of a
similar character (as defined by the Congested Districts
Board Acts and by Section 4, clause 1, of Mr. Wyndham's
Land Purchase Amendment Bill of last session) will require
separate and exceptional treatment, with a view to the better
distribution of the population and of the land, as well as for
the acceleration and extension of those projects for migration
and enlargement of holdings which the Congested Districts
Board, as at present constituted, and with its limited powers,
has hitherto found it impossible to carry out upon an adequate
scale.

XV. That any project for the solution of the Irish Land
Question should be accompanied by a settlement of the
Evicted Tenants question upon an equitable basis.

XVI. That sporting and riparian rights should remain
as they are, subject to any provisions of existing Land
Purchase Acts.

XVII. That the failure to enforce the Labourers Acts
in certain portions of the country constitutes a serious griev-
ance ; and that, in districts where, in the opinion of the
Local Government Board, sufficient accommodation has not

APPENDIX II 183

been made for the housing of the labouring classes, power
should be given to the Local Government Board, in conjunc-
tion with the local authorities, to acquire sites for houses and
allotments.

XVIII. That the principle of restriction upon subletting
might be extended to such control as may be practicable
over re-sales of purchasers' interest and mortgages, with a
view to maintaining unimpaired the value of the State's
security for outstanding instalments on loans.

And whereas we are agreed that no settlement can give peace
and contentment to Ireland, or afford reasonable and
fair opportunity for the development of the resources
of the country, which fails to satisfy the just claims of
both owners and occupiers ;

And whereas such settlement can only be effected by the
assistance of the State, which, as a principle, has been
employed in former years ;

And whereas it appears to us that, for the healing of differ-
ences and the welfare of the country, such assistance
should be given, and can be given, and can effect a
settlement without either undue cost to the Treasury
or appreciable risk with regard to the money advanced,
we are of opinion that any reasonable difference arising
between the sum advanced by the State and ultimately
repaid to it may be justified by the following considera-
tions :

That for the future welfare of Ireland and for the smooth
working of any measure dealing with the transfer of land,
it is necessary —

1. That the occupiers should be started on their new career
as owners on a fair and favourable basis, ensuring reasonable
chances of success ; and that, in view of the responsibilities
to be assumed by them, they should receive some inducement
to purchase.

2. That the owners should receive some recognition of
the facts that selling may involve sacrifice of sentiment ;
that they have already suffered heavily by the operations
of the Land Acts ; and that they should receive some induce-
ment to sell.

184 APPENDIX II

3. That, for the benefit of the whole community, it is of
the greatest importance that income derived from sale of
property in Ireland should continue to be expended in Ireland.

And we further submit that, as a legitimate set-off against
any demand upon the State, it must be borne in mind that
upon the settlement of the Land Question in Ireland, the cost
of administration, and of law, and the cost of the Royal Irish
Constabulary, would be materially and permanently lessened.

We do not, at the present time, desire to offer further
recommendations upon the subject of finance, which must
necessarily be regulated by the approval of the Government
to the principles of the proposals above formulated, except
that, in our opinion, the principle of reduction of the sinking
fund, in the event of loss to the State by an increase in
the value of money, should be extended by the inclusion of
the principle of increase of the sinking fund in favour of the
purchasers in the event of gain to the State by decrease in
the value of money.

Inasmuch as one of the main conditions of success in
reference to any Land Purchase Scheme must be its prompt
application and the avoidance of those complicated investi-
gations and legal delays which have hitherto clogged all
legislative proposals for settling the relations between Irish
landlords and tenants, we deem it of urgent importance that
no protracted period of time should ensue before a settlement,
based upon the above-mentioned principles, is carried out ;
that the executive machinery should be effective, competent,
and speedy ; and that investigations conducted by it should
not entail cost upon owner or occupier; and, as a further
inducement to despatch, we suggest that any State aid apart
from loans which may be required for carrying out a scheme
of Land Purchase as herein proposed should be limited to
transactions initiated within five years after the passing of
the Act.

We wish to place on record our belief that an unexampled
opportunity is at the present moment afforded His Majesty's
Government of effecting a reconciliation of classes in Ireland
upon terms which, as we believe, involve no permanent in-
crease of Imperial expenditure in Ireland ; and that there
would be found on all sides an earnest desire to co-operate

APPENDIX II 185

with the Government in securing the success of a Land
Purchase Bill which, by effectively and rapidly carrying
out the principles above indicated, would bring peace and
prosperity to the country.

Signed at the Mansion House, Dublin, this 3rd day of
January 1903.

Dunraven (Chairman). John Redmond.

Mayo. William O'Brien.

W. H. Hutcheson Poe. T. W. Russell.

Nugent T. Everard. T. C. Harrington.

vol. ii 2 b

APPENDIX III

(Memorandum by Sir Antony (now Lord) MacDonnell, 1905.)

1. An effort will, I understand, be made in Parliament to
censure me for having helped Lord Dunraven in preparing
his Devolution Scheme. The attack on me will, it is suggested
to me, be directed to showing :

(1) That I exceeded my functions in giving Lord Dunraven

any assistance,

(2) That I failed to inform my official superiors of what

I was doing,

(3) That generally my participation in such a scheme

was inconsistent with my duty to the present
Government.

All these propositions are incorrect, as I proceed to show.

2. I did not take office in Ireland as an ordinary Under-
Secretary. Before accepting the offer made to me of this
office, I inquired into the system of Irish Government ; and
my acceptance of the Under-Secretaryship was conditional
on opportunities being given to me to devise reforms. The
conditions under which I accepted this office are stated in the
following extract from a letter dated September 22, 1902,
which I wrote to Mr. Wyndham with reference to the offer
of the appointment :

" But there still remains the difficulty to which I
alluded when I saw you. I have been anxiously thinking
over this difficulty. I am an Irishman, a Roman Catholic,
and a Liberal in politics; I have strong Irish sympathies;
I do not see eye to eye with you all in all matters of Irish
administration, and I think there is no likelihood of good
coming from such a rigime of coercion as the Times has
recently outlined. On the other hand, from the exposition

186

APPENDIX III 187

you were good enough to give me of your views, and from the
estimate I formed of your aims and objects, I find there is
a substantial measure of agreement between us. Moreover,
I should be glad to do some service to Ireland. Therefore,
it seems to me the situation goes beyond the sphere of mere
party politics, and I should be willing to take office under
you provided there is some chance of my succeeding. I think
there is a chance of success on this condition that I should
have adequate opportunities of influencing the policy and acts
of the Irish Administration, and (subject, of course, to your
control) freedom of action in executive matters. For many
years in India I directed administration on the largest scale,
and I know that if you send me to Ireland the opportunity of
mere secretarial criticism would fall far short of the require-
ments of my position.

" If I were installed in office in Ireland, my aims, broadly
stated, would be — the maintenance of order ; the solution
of the Land Question on the basis of voluntary sale ; where
sale does not operate, the fixation of rents on some self-
acting principle whereby local inquiries would be obviated ;
the co-ordination, control, and direction of Boards and other
administrative agencies ; the settlement of the Education
Question in the general spirit of Mr. Balfour's views ; and
generally the promotion of material improvement, and
administrative conciliation.

" I am sure you will not misinterpret this letter. I am
greatly attracted by a chance of doing some good for Ireland.
My best friends tell me that I am deluding myself; that I
shall be abused by Orangemen as a Roman Catholic and a
Home Ruler, and denounced by Home Rulers as a renegade ;
that I shall do no good ; and shall retire disgusted within the
year. But I am willing to try the business under the colours
and conditions I mention."

3. Mr. Wyndham in his reply of September 25, 1902,
accepted my terms unconditionally. He writes :

" When Sir David Harrel resigns I shall, accordingly,
nominate you as his successor, and it is understood between
us that I make, and that you accept, this appointment on the
lines and under the conditions laid down in your letter and
with a view to compassing the objects which you hold to be
of primary importance, viz. the maintenance of order ; a

188 APPENDIX III

solution of the Land Question on the basis of voluntary sale,
and, where that proves impossible, on the basis of sub-
stituting some simple, automatic system of revising rents in
place of the existing costly processes of perpetual litigation ;
the co-ordination of the detached and semi-detached Boards
and Departments ; settlement of Education in such a way as
to provide Higher Education in a form acceptable to the
majority of the inhabitants ; and administrative conciliation.
" To these I add (1) the consolidation and increase of
existing grants for Irish local purposes, with a view to
reducing the rates where they are prohibitive to enterprise,
and (2) if we are spared long enough, the development of
transit for agricultural and other products, possibly, by
guarantees to railways on the Canadian model. But this
is far off."

4. It is therefore clear that when Mr. Wyndham asked for,
and when I promised, my assistance in the Government of
Ireland, we both understood that my functions were to be
a good deal wider than those ordinarily appertaining to the
Under-Secretary. It was understood that while I was to
discharge the Under-Secretary's duties with more than the
usual authority and freedom, I was also to assist in solving
the various pending political questions, namely Land,
Education, Irish Administration, and the reconciliation of
the people to the Government.

5. Acting on this conception of my duties, I have, from
the very outset, taken the initiative in matters beyond the
sphere of the Under-Secretary's ordinary duties, and have
carried on negotiations of a political nature. If examples
are wanted, I point to Lord Dunraven's Land Conference, the
Land Purchase Bill, and the University negotiations. In all
these matters I acted on my own initiative, but in accordance
with my perceptions of the general drift of the Chief
Secretary's policy as indicated in the correspondence of
September 1902, and in my communications with him. Up
till now I succeeded in gaining the Chief Secretary's ultimate
approval. For example, I have before me as I write a letter
dated March 7, 1904, in which Mr. Wyndham says " had you
not seen your way to work with me, the Land Act could
never have been passed or even initiated."

6. In this " Devolution " business I acted in the same

APPENDIX III 189

way and spirit. Before I took office I had been impressed
with the want of efficiency resulting from the uncontrolled
and divergent action of the numerous Irish " Boards." But
when I had gained experience (from within) on the working
of the Irish Government, I clearly saw that the true root of
Irish mal-administration lay in the financial arrangements
between the two countries.

7. For the last eighteen months I have not ceased to urge
on the Lord-Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary the necessity
of securing to Ireland an alteration of these arrangements
and an effective voice over the allocation and expenditure
of Irish Funds. The system of Provincial Contracts which
prevails in India seemed to me, with some adjustments
to local peculiarities, eminently suitable to Ireland. That
system proceeds on the principle of delegated (and therefore
revocable) authority. It postulates a supreme controlling
power (which here means the maintenance of one Parliament).
My representations on this point always found in Lord Dudley
a sympathetic, and, I came to believe, an approving listener.
In the Chief Secretary I thought I had made a convert, for
on October 11, 1903, he wrote to me : " An Irish Budget on
the lines of the Indian Budget is the first step towards sound
government in Ireland and a due recognition of her claims
here [i.e. Whitehall]."

8. The winter of 1903-4 was, in Ireland, occupied with
the launching of the Land Purchase Act, and with the once
promising, but ultimately abortive, attempt to settle the
University Question. There was no time, even if there were
opportunity, to touch the real question of Irish Finance, and
the Chief Secretary's energies were directed to making the
best of the Development Grant. But in that Grant, as a
permanent remedy for Ireland's financial troubles, I had
myself no faith. It seemed to me an immediate diversion
of Funds from their legitimate and exigent objects, while
in it there lurked the danger of possible defeat in the future
of Irish claims. A true solution lay in my judgment in the
creation of an Irish Budget on the Indian plan, and Irish
Financial Control (subject to Parliament) which will enable
the Irish Government to enforce economy and promote these
material improvements through want of which the country
is languishing. At the last conversation which, towards the

190 APPENDIX III

end of the Session, I had with Mr. Wyndham on this subject,
I asked him not to take the matter from me alone, but
to consult Sir David Barbour, who is not only a first-rate
authority on Indian Finance, but is specially acquainted with
the Irish case, having been a member of the Financial
Relations Commission.

9. Thus far have I written with the object of showing
how and why the idea of Financial Decentralisation or
Devolution for Ireland grew up in my mind, and how that
idea was received by my official superiors when I urged
it upon them. I now proceed to state how and why the
idea was embodied in the " Dunraven Scheme."

10. In the beginning of 1904 a conversation took place
between Mr. Wyndham, Lord Dunraven, and myself on
Irish Politics. Lord Dunraven was particularly interested
in the creation of a moderate Irish Party of which he had
at the time hopes from the temperament of a section of
Irish Unionists and of the Nationalist wing which drew its
inspiration from Mr. William O'Brien. It was agreed
between us three that I should invite to dinner, to meet
Lord Dunraven, the more prominent Unionists likely to form
the nucleus of such a party. But, on reflecting on the
business, I did not think the time opportune, as the Land
Purchase Act had only begun to work, and, besides, I felt
that I could not intervene, as proposed, without involving
(or shall I say compromising ?) Mr. Wyndham. On stating
my doubts to him Mr. Wyndham agreed with me, and the
matter dropped for the time.

11. Lord Dunraven revived it last August in a letter to
me. My doubts as to the opportuneness of the time had now
disappeared, and I consequently wrote to Mr. Wyndham and
asked him if he had seen Lord Dunraven on the subject. Mr.
Wyndham replied on August 17 : "I have seen Lord Dun-
raven, and hope to see him again." When, therefore, Lord
Dunraven in the end of August consulted me personally
about a Programme for his Third Party, I felt myself at
liberty to speak freely to him, to explain to him my idea of
an Irish Budget, and to assist him in preparing the Irish
Reform Association's Programme, which was published on
August 31. I think that Lord Dunraven's mind had been
running on pretty much the same lines as my own in reference

APPENDIX III 191

to Irish Administrative Reform, for we had no difficulty
in agreeing on a common basis of action.

12. In this Paper I am in no way concerned with defend-
ing the Programme (though I cannot help wondering why
Financial Decentralisation, which is laudable in connection
with the Army, should be rank blasphemy in connection
with Ireland). I am here concerned only with explaining
my own part in its preparation and showing that I had
reasons for my action. The Programme presents two main
features : (a) Financial Control in Ireland ; (b) Devolution
of certain legislative functions. Clearly I had grounds
for thinking that on (a) Mr. Wyndham would not be hostile
to discussion, while I knew that the Lord-Lieutenant would
be sympathetic. On (b) successive Chief Secretaries had
approved of the principle of Devolution as it concerned
Private Bill Legislation, while the further extension pro-
posed in the detailed scheme was altogether a matter for
the House of Commons. I may add that the whole business
was no more than a project of Reform put forward by
a body of Unionist gentlemen for public discussion, and
pretended to no official inspiration.

13. When the programme had been before the public
for a few days, demands for a more detailed statement of
policy were made on the Association, and I agreed to prepare
the draft of such a statement. While engaged in preparing
it I wrote to Mr. Wyndham telling him what I was doing.
I did not keep a copy of my letter ; it was not my practice
to keep copies of my correspondence with the Chief Secretary.
But the letter dealt with the condition of the country, and
the working of the Land Purchase Act, and ended with a
paragraph to the effect that I was helping Lord Dunraven
on the lines of the Local Control of Irish Finance, which I
had so often urged on Mr. Wyndham himself. I made sure
that, having before him the Programme of August 31, to
which I think, but am not sure, that my letter drew his atten-
tion, Mr. Wyndham could have no doubt as to the main
features of the help I was giving. I reminded Mr. Wyndham
of that letter at the first interview I had with him after the
publication of his letter in the Times. He remarked, in reply,
that he could not have attached to it the importance that
I did.

192 APPENDIX III

14. The Lord - Lieutenant happened to be in Dublin
during the period to which I am referring, and I was therefore
able, in conversation with His Excellency, to explain to him
fully what I was doing in communication with Lord Dun-
raven. I did this more than once, going into the details of
the Scheme; and this fact of itself must relieve me of all
suspicion of having concealed the business from my official
superiors.

15. Had Mr. Wyndham been in Ireland, I should have
been equally full with him, as was my practice in the other
negotiations I have referred to.

16. I was much surprised and disappointed when I saw
Mr. Wyndham's letter to the Times condemning the " Devolu-
tion Scheme." It had not occurred to me that official notice
would be taken of what, at that stage, was only a project
of Reform put forward for public discussion by a body of
private gentlemen. But Mr. Wyndham's letter made it
impossible for me to assist the Irish Reform Association any
further, and I therefore at once withdrew from connection
with it.

17. I am now told that Lord Dunraven's Scheme appeared
inopportunely from the Party point of view. But in helping
Lord Dunraven I was not concerned with Party Politics. My
concern lay in the improvement of the Irish Administration,
and in the reconciliation of the Irish people to it. These were
the objects which brought me to Dublin Castle, and while I
was permitted to work them out I was not concerned with
distinctions between Liberal and Unionist. The Devolution
Scheme was not a Party move. My share in it was inspired
by my perception of the administrative needs of the country,
and it is idle to suggest that, in helping Lord Dunraven to
prepare it, I was influenced by improper motives, or concealed
matters, or failed in my duty to my official superiors.

A. P. MacDonnell.

February 8, 1905.

APPENDIX IV

(Letter of New Year's Day, 1921, to the Times.1)

I

RESTORATION OF A KINGDOM

A Fruitless Duality

To the Editor of the " Times "

Sir, — After a final effort in the Lords to maintain the
supremacy of Parliament, the Government of Ireland Bill
passed, and the New Year's gift to Ireland is that for three
and a half years the fate of three-fourths of the population
lies in the hollow of the hands of His Majesty's Government.
The prospect is not alluring.

The failure of the Government to deal with the situation
is very hard to understand. Confronted, as they are, with
all the terrible difficulties arising out of a madly fermenting
world, the necessity of dealing with one problem ripe for
solution was surely evident ; and yet His Majesty's Govern-
ment have lost, or are in imminent danger of losing, a golden
opportunity of laying firm the foundations of a settlement in
Ireland. A solution of that question has never been difficult,
and is not impossible now if only Ministers responsible would
take pains to place themselves in the position of those with
whom they have to treat, would get down to the roots of
sentimental and material grievances, and would deal with
causes rather than effects. That is a troublesome process,
and it is far easier to describe the Irish as irresponsible, impos-
sible people quite unfit for self-government; but until that

1 The Letter was published on January 5 and January 6 in two portions,
and is reprinted by the kind permission of the proprietors of the Times.
VOL. II 193 2 C

194 APPENDIX IV

customary course is abandoned and the Irish are treated as
reasonable people entitled to receive reasonable consideration
of their reasonable claims, a settlement in amity between
the two countries cannot be attained.

The problem confronting the Government was, owing
to the attitude of Ulster, admittedly very difficult. Ulster
delegates had refused to look at proposals offered at the
Convention securing them practically independence in an
Irish Parliament, and a statutory right to come out and set
up for themselves if they so desired ; and Ulster was to have
her own way. In these circumstances, His Majesty's Govern-
ment adopted the wisest course in deciding upon two Parlia-
ments, with an open door leading to unity. The principle
was sound ; so also was the consequential decision that, in
the event of the people of Southern Ireland refusing to return
members to Parliament, some system of nomination should
be substituted for election and the Act administered under
it. The idea of duality leading to unity was sound ; but its
validity depended upon two conditions : first, that both
Parliaments should have an equal chance of success — fully
administering the Act, and secondly, that effective means
for arriving at unity should be provided in the Council. As
the Bill came up to the House of Lords both of these conditions
had been nullified by confining the Northern area to the six
counties, and by financial clauses unsatisfactory to the
Southern area. The financial proposals could never satisfy
the majority, and the composition of the Council made the
minority masters of the situation, capable of making duality
perpetual, of throwing the machinery of the Council out of
gear, and of dooming the majority to Crown Colony Govern-
ment under the sanction of martial law. The theory of the
Bill was sound ; but the construction was faulty.

To justify their predilection for a dual system, the
Government accepted the theory of a complete cleavage
between the people in the North-East corner and in the rest
of Ireland. That is, of course, to a large extent fiction,
though, as politics and religion have too often synchronised,
religious differences are apt to become acute. Nevertheless,
if the people were only left alone, and if a reasonable settle-
ment of the political question were effected, Catholic and
Protestant would live amicably together, for, when all is said

APPENDIX IV 195

and done, Irishmen are all Irish under their creeds. That
need not now be discussed. The extraordinary fact is that,
founding their Bill upon the theory of distinct cleavage, the
Government should have proceeded to make it suitable only
to the minority, and express astonishment, and even indigna-
tion, that it does not suit a majority which is, according to
their belief, alien to that minority in race, religion, ideals,
character, modes of thought, and everything else. The
Lord Chancellor could not see why people who would accept
the Act of 1914 should not accept the present Act. Much
has happened during the last six years ; but perhaps it is
sufficient to mention the fact that the Act of 1914 stated
that if during any three successive years after the passing
of the Act the revenue exceeded the expenditure, the question
of a revision of the financial arrangements would be gone
into with a view to " securing a proper contribution from
Irish revenues towards the common expenditure of the
United Kingdom, and extending the powers of the Irish
Parliament and the Irish Government with respect to the
imposition and collection of taxes." It is quite possible
that, if the present Act had contained a clause to the effect
that, as Irish revenue exceeded expenditure, the time had
come for a revision of financial arrangements, with the view
of giving Ireland control over expenditure and the imposition
and collection of taxes, and that such revision would be
immediately undertaken, the Bill might have been accepted
as the basis of a firm settlement. The obvious course to
pursue was to draft a Bill acceptable, so far as was possible,
to the majority, and then to satisfy the objections of the
minority. To satisfy the minority the dual system was
adopted ; but, having decided upon two Parliaments — one
for the majority in the South and one for the minority in the
North — surely the necessity of granting to Ireland the self-
governing powers required by the majority in the South
became obvious, provided those powers did not detract from
the independence of the Northern Parliament, did not imperil
the solidarity of the Empire and the security of the United
Kingdom. Unfortunately, the constructive process was
reversed, with the result of a measure meeting the wishes
of the North, but falling fatally short of satisfying the
South.

196 APPENDIX IV

I have endeavoured in the Times, and in Parliament, to
impress upon the public certain facts which, as it seems to
me, govern the situation — (1) that Ireland is not a colony, but
a kingdom, and that the " status " of a dominion is incon-
sistent with her position and unnecessary for her needs ;
(2) that for the dual system to lead to unity it is necessary
that both Legislatures should be satisfied with the powers
conferred upon them ; (3) that the powers to be conferred
should be limited only by the conditions laid down by the
Government for securing effective union between the two
peoples, the ultimate supremacy of the Imperial Parliament,
the security of both countries, and the integrity of the
Empire. I have failed, but may I finally recapitulate ? To
bring about a lasting settlement one thing is most desirable
and another necessary. It is desirable to restore to Ireland
her position as a kingdom. Sentiment ? Partly ; but
sentiment must not be ignored. From Henry VIII. to the
Act of Union Ireland was a kingdom ; the King of England,
or of Great Britain, was King of Ireland. In 1782 the King
and Parliament of Great Britain declared that " the right
claimed by the people of Ireland to be bound only by laws
enacted by His Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom
in all cases whatsoever . . . was established and ascertained
for ever." For ever ! And eighteen years later Ireland
was deprived of her position as a kingdom, of her Parliament,
and of her Constitution. She lost all recognition of nation-
ality, and became part of, and merged in, a United Kingdom.
Ever since then Ireland has bitterly protested against the
Act of Union. That Act is dead, and it is difficult to say
how Ireland is, other than geographically, to be now described.
The Act of Union should be given decent burial by repeal,
and Ireland should be restored to her individuality as a
kingdom. Add one letter to the title of the Crown, and
let the Union be between the United Kingdoms, and the path
will be cleared of many difficulties. An " atmosphere "
favourable to a settlement would be created. — Your obedient
servant,

Dunraven.

APPENDIX IV 197

II
FISCAL AND FINANCIAL CONTROL

The Test of Sincerity

Sir, — To continue my letter and to turn to finance. It
is, above all, essential that Ireland should control and be
responsible for her own expenditure and income. That
demand is eminently practical. Up to 1782 Ireland was a
separate entity, with no control over her finances. From
1782 to 1800 she was a separate entity, and had complete
control over her taxation and revenue. From 1801 to 1817
she was still a distinct financial unit, but all control over her
finances had been taken from her and transferred to the United
Parliament. The financial terms of the Act of Union speedily
made Ireland bankrupt. In the fifteen years before the
Union the expenditure of Ireland amounted to £41,000,000 ;
in the fifteen years following the Union it amounted to
£148,000,000, of which Ireland raised £78,000,000 by taxa-
tion, or £47,000,000 more than she had raised by taxation
in the former period of equal length. The relative strength
in resources of the two countries is well exemplified by the
fact that whereas Ireland could only provide 52 per cent
of her expenditure out of revenue, though taxation had been
doubled and had been screwed up to the highest possible
pitch, Great Britain, during the same period, provided 71
per cent of her enormous expenditure out of revenue, and
taxation was not forced up to the limit of productibility.
Under the weight of the share allotted to the weaker country
she collapsed, and was saved from bankruptcy by amalgamat-
ing the Exchequers. Since amalgamation the methods of
finance in respect of Ireland have been " in-and-out." Some-
times Ireland has been looked upon as an integral part of the
United Kingdom, at other times as a separate entity — which-
ever happened to be most convenient to the Exchequer.
Ireland, as part of a far wealthier community, was forced
into a mode of living involving expense far in excess of her
means and of her necessities.

Ireland has always been in an anomalous position. She
has been viewed as consisting of so many counties of one

198 APPENDIX IV

entity — the United Kingdom — as regards expenditure, but
in respect of revenue she has been treated as a separate
entity, and loans have been debited to her account. It is
not strange that Ireland demands relief from financial con-
ditions repugnant to a self-respecting people, and desires
to be responsible for her own expenditure and for providing
for it. She wants freedom to cut her coat according to
her cloth, and to decide for herself how much cloth she
requires. The whole question of the financial relations
between Great Britain and Ireland and their relative financial
capacity was reported upon by a Royal Commission — the
Childers Commission — in 1896 ; and in 1911 the Primrose
Commission on Irish Finance reported. The only great
change that has occurred since those days is that, whereas
the balance of revenue and expenditure was then against
Ireland, it is now largely in favour of Ireland. A Royal
Commission on Financial Relations would not take long to
report.

Is a grant of fiscal and financial control inconsistent with
the security of the United Kingdom and of the Empire ?
Certainly not, in the opinion of His Majesty's Government.
Financial control has never been ruled out. On the contrary,
the grant has over and over again been admitted, subject to
certain fundamental conditions laid down by the Prime
Minister, as : Separate treatment for the six counties of
North-East Ulster ; no secession of Ireland, or any part
of Ireland, from the United Kingdom ; no detraction from
the security of these islands and their safety in days of war.
The grant of full fiscal and financial autonomy is not included
in those limiting conditions. Would a grant of full financial
control be inconsistent with the independence of the Northern
Parliament ? Assuredly not. That Parliament would be
master in its own house, to use or not to use the powers
entrusted to it as it thought best. Once the possibility of
the grant is conceded, no logical ground for refusal can be
found, unless exceptional circumstances interfere. What are
the circumstances ? Peace and a settlement are desired.
The law will assert itself, and peace, in the sense of cessation
from crime, will follow ; but it will be a false peace. The
forces of disorder driven under will await another opportunity
of breaking out. It is possible even that a ruined and dis-

APPENDIX IV 199

tracted people might, for the sake of relief, give outward
acceptance to the Act. But for real peace — permanent
peace — the law must rely upon the good will of the people
and not merely upon physical force, and the good will of the
people depends upon the terms of a settlement.

The psychology of the Government is inscrutable. They
seem unable to realise that the mental attitude of the Irish
people is one of profound suspicion of them, and of despair of
securing redress by peaceful means. They do not see that
the essential preliminary is to bring about a better under-
standing between the two peoples, to convince Ireland of
even-handed justice and of good will. All, except extremists,
will accept the view of the Prime Minister that it is " essential
to convince the whole of the people in Ireland that the
authority of the law, and the authority of the Empire, is
paramount," and will agree that martial law is necessary, if
desirable, for that purpose. But martial law should have
been applied all over Ireland, and disarmament should have
been universal. The people in the South do not forget
that, while they were disarmed, potential rebels in the North
were allowed to arm and threatened to march an army from
Belfast to Cork. The people of the South are suspicious,
and not without reason. Above all things it is necessary
to convince them of fair dealing. The Prime Minister
hopes that " the policy of those who seek to attain their
political ends by violence and intimidation will be finally
abandoned, and the people of Ireland will be free to return
to those constitutional methods by which alone their rightful
aspirations can be attained." I acquit the Prime Minister
of a desire to gratify his sense of humour ; but to tell the
people of Ireland that their rightful aspirations can be
attained by constitutional methods when, as every one knows,
the Nationalist Party was annihilated in 1918, by a people
in utter despair at the failure of constitutional methods, will
be looked upon in Ireland as an ironical jest. They are told
that the British House of Commons and the British nation
are willing to " parley " with the people of Ireland with a
view of establishing peace and good will and friendship, and
that avenues are open. Parley with whom ? It is impossible
to parley with the imaginary President of a non-existent
Republic. Equally futile to parley with Sinn Fein. An

200 APPENDIX IV

avenue to be of any use must be open at both ends. One
end is open in Downing Street, and that avenue leads not
towards individuals, but towards the people of Ireland. If it
is to be opened at that end, if the British House of Commons
is to parley with the people of Ireland, they must be given
something tangible and definite to consider and parley about.

Is an amending Act in contemplation ? If so, why not
say so ? Vague phrases will not restore faith in constitution-
alism as a means of redress. The fact must be demonstrated.
The goods must be produced. All these ambiguous speeches
and possibilities and probabilities, and secret diplomacy,
are simply bewildering the Irish people, and confusing the
issue ; and what is it all for ?

It would be an insult to suppose the Government unable
to discriminate between Bolshevism and Sinn Fein, and to
accuse them of a mean desire to secure an easy triumph and
make Sinn Fein pass under the Claudine forks. Insulting
also to assume that refusal to make concessions is disguised
under insistence to treat only with accredited agents of the
people. Do the Government desire a settlement ? In all
human probability they can have it, not perhaps immediately,
if only they will speak straight, if only they will make a firm
offer of the most that they can do. And if the offer is refused ?
The position will, at any rate, be far better than it is now, for
a fair offer will have been made. If it is accepted, and the
Southern Parliament fails to " make good," the people would
have had a fair chance and could blame no one but themselves.
— Your obedient servant,

DUNRAVEN.
Adare Manor, Co. Limerick.

APPENDIX V

(Speech in the House of Lords, June 21, 1921. x)

I have had a long experience, I suppose a longer experience
by far than any other noble Lord connected with Ireland, of
that country and the troubles that have afflicted it. I think
it must now be about sixty years ago that I was at home and
alone in the county of Limerick at the breaking out of the
Fenian Insurrection. I was then a Cornet of Horse in Her
Majesty's First Regiment of Life Guards, and I was instructed
to inspect all the police barracks and to report upon their
defensible capacity. My qualification was a very common
one in appointments — that I knew absolutely nothing what-
ever about the matter. Of course, I did the best I could,
and at any rate I saw a very great deal of the Fenian Rising,
and I have been more or less concerned with the troubles,
agrarian and other, that have afflicted Ireland from that
time to this. I mention that experience only because I
wish to emphasise that, in all my experience of so many
troubles, I have never seen anything in the least approach-
ing the conditions under which Ireland is labouring
to-day.

The House knows all about the ambushes and conflicts,
amounting to little battles, the murders and burnings and
all the horrible consequences which have resulted from
vendetta created by the system of reprisals and counter-
reprisals. But what the House in general does not know,
and what nobody realises except those among your Lordships
who are intimately acquainted with Ireland, is the absolute
confusion and chaos that exists, the extent to which the
ordinary life of the country is dislocated. Bridges are blown

1 Reprinted by the kind permission of the Editor of the Parliamentary
Debates, House of Lords.

VOL. II 201 2 D

202 APPENDIX V

up, and roads obstructed. There are districts in Ireland as
isolated as if they were in the middle of South Africa. Out-
rages and murders are committed, not for any political
motives, but purely from personal motives of malice and
revenge, hate and spite. Houses are broken into for the
purpose of theft, highway robberies are committed, ordinary
crime is absolutely undetected and unpunished. I am bound,
I think, in justice, to say that at the time when the Sinn Fein
courts operated ordinary crime was promptly and very
justly dealt with. Those abnormal courts had the sanction
of force behind them ; ordinary Courts of Law have no
sanction of force. The police are absolutely powerless to
protect, and crime, as I have said, is undetected and
unpunished. There is in Ireland to-day absolutely no
protection whatever for life or property. Honest, decent
citizens have no protection, and can get no protection from
the police, and are not allowed to protect themselves.

That is a condition which to my mind is absolutely
shocking, and where are we to look for deliverance from it ?
To my mind, deliverance can only come by legislation, by
remedial legislation, by legislation amending the Act in the
direction in which what I might term moderate opinion has,
ever since the Bill was introduced, been urging His Majesty's
Government to amend it. The Bill was, if I remember
aright, introduced early in the spring of last year. From
that day to this, everybody who could voice or dared to voice
public opinion in Ireland, has denounced the measure as
unsatisfactory and as absolutely incapable of forming the
basis of a lasting settlement. Chiefly, the financial clauses
have been objected to. Amendment after Amendment was
moved in the other Branch of the Legislature, and by
members supporting His Majesty's Government. In this
House Amendments could not be moved, of course, on
questions of finance.

As your Lordships may remember, last November I
moved that the Bill should not be proceeded with, and my
noble friend, Lord Midleton, moved to adjourn the debate
for a fortnight, in order to give an opportunity for negotia-
tions to take place. What notice was taken of that ?
Absolutely none. What notice has ever been taken of any
effort that has been made to get the Bill amended into a

APPENDIX V 203

reasonable Act ? Action has not been confined to Parliament.
Action has been taken over and over again by responsible
men in Ireland, and by associations in Ireland. The whole
case was put before His Majesty's Government by a Resolu-
tion moved by my noble friend, Lord MacDonnell, I think,
last August, at the Peace Conference in Dublin, and what
happened ? Nothing. What notice was taken ? None.
Every effort in Parliament and out of Parliament has been
made to induce the Government to amend this Bill, but
the door is simply slammed and banged and bolted in our
faces, and nothing is done. What is the result ? The
present impasse — the present predicament in which we find
ourselves.

I think the fatal mistake that throughout the Govern-
ment has made has been in not appealing straight to the
people of Ireland. They have talked of exploring avenues, and
opening negotiations, and having conversations, but always
with somebody who could guarantee acceptance, and who
had authority to speak for the people of Ireland. Nobody
had authority to speak for the people of Ireland. You do
not recognise the Irish Republic or its president, and nobody
had authority to speak for the people of Ireland. You ought
to have spoken to the people themselves. You ought to have
put before the people a Bill which reasonable and moderate
men would have accepted as an alternative to separation.
Of this I am perfectly confident — that the Irish people are
not republican at heart. The Irish people at heart do not
desire the separation to be a complete severance between
them and their best customer. If a measure had been put
before them — a liberal measure as regards fiscal and financial
autonomy — the noble Marquess asks whether anybody can
say that it would be accepted. Nobody can say it would be
accepted now, but I am absolutely certain that it would
have been accepted as recently as six months ago.

Whether it will be accepted now, who can say ? But
at any rate it is possible, and if it is a possibility, is it not
worth while putting it to the test ? We know what the
Lord-Lieutenant said the other day in Belfast and what the
Chief Secretary said in another place. If there is any real
meaning to be attached to those words, if amendments really
are contemplated, why in Heaven's name cannot the Govern-

204 APPENDIX V

ment give us the scope of those amendments now ? Why not
introduce the amending Bill now, before it becomes too late ?
I have said that I believe the only way of inducing peace and
eventual settlement, in Ireland, is by legislation. What is
the alternative ? It is keeping Ireland down by force. I
was driven almost to despair by the speech of the noble
Marquess, which, in its whole tenour and gist, seemed to
me to be a counsel of absolute despair. Nothing to do but
carry on as we are. And what does carrying on as we are
mean ? It means the subjection of twenty-six counties in
Ireland to military rule.

Of course, disorder can be driven under the surface in
Ireland by the pressure of sufficient force, but it cannot be
kept under without continuing the pressure of sufficient force.
The moment force is taken away, it will crop up again, because
at the bottom of all the trouble in Ireland is the fact that the
people are convinced that they never will get, by constitu-
tional and peaceful means, their reasonable demands. Force
is justifiable in many cases. I believe force — and any
extent of force — would be justified in the eyes of the people
of Great Britain, and I believe would be justified in the hearts
of the people of Ireland, to put down secession. But I do
not see how any justification can be found for putting twenty-
six counties of Ireland under a military dictatorship — for
that is what it really amounts to — until every means has
been tried of satisfying them — every means within the limits
that have been laid down over and over again by the Prime
Minister, the limits of security for the United Kingdom and
the integrity of the Empire. Until every such means has
been tried I see no justification in force. And up to the
present nothing has been tried.

Moderate opinion exists in Ireland ; it does not assert
itself, as the noble Marquess has said. What has it got to
assert itself for ? There is nothing before it, except an
Act which it has over and over again said it will not accept.
Give moderate opinion something that can satisfy it, upon
which it can concentrate itself and create moderate opinion,
and I think you would see a very different state of things.
I entreat His Majesty's Government to accept the Motion
before the House and to act upon it. It is the only way,
to my mind — I do not know whether it matters to them —

APPENDIX V 205

by which they can save themselves from a charge of bank-
ruptcy in statesmanship. I am certain it is the only way
in which Ireland can be relieved of the horrible circumstances
under which she labours now, and can be preserved from
perhaps greater evils to come.

APPENDIX VI

(Letter to the Times, June 24, 1921. l)
THE IRISH TRAGEDY : A GRIM DILEMMA

Force or the Act

To the Editor of the " Times"

Sir, — May I once more appeal to your courtesy to allow
me to sing my swan-song, so far as the Irish problem is con-
cerned, in the columns of the Times ?

The tragedy of Ireland increases daily in intensity, and
the faint hope that even at the eleventh hour wiser counsels
would prevail was killed by the Lord Chancellor in his speech
in the House of Lords on Tuesday last. The Government
are determined to continue their career of ignorance and
divided counsels.

Both in administration and in legislation a complete
failure has been made. Though warned by those who knew,
the Government refused to recognise the gravity of the
situation in 1916. When it became necessary to employ
military force, they neglected to put the Forces of the Crown,
including the Police, under one command. They appointed
a great soldier as Lord-Lieutenant and General Governor ;
they appointed a Commander-in-Chief acting independently
of the Lord-Lieutenant ; they appointed a general officer
in command of the Police, acting independently both of the
Lord-Lieutenant and the Commander-in-Chief; and a Chief
Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, independent of everybody,
responsible only to the Cabinet, and of necessity residing
principally in London. Such divided command was doomed
to failure ; and it has failed.

1 Reprinted by the kind permission of the proprietors of the Times.
206

APPENDIX VI 207

The position in Ireland has never been defined. It
appears from the latest utterances of the Prime Minister and
the Lord Chancellor now to have dawned upon the Govern-
ment for the first time that there is a war. If a state of war
has existed, why have not the Government acknowledged it
long ago ? A clear distinction could then have been drawn
between acts of war and assassination ; no complaint of the
consequences incidental to a state of war would have been
made, and all the bitter hatred engendered by an abominable
system of reprisals would have been avoided.

In legislation the failure has been equally complete, and
the Government appear to have been determined to wreck
their own Bill. To the dual policy upon which the Bill was
founded I did not object. Under the conditions existing
in Ulster it seemed to me the best policy that could be adopted,
and I felt certain that for mutual convenience the two Parlia-
ments would come together to the great advantage of both.
The carving-up of Ulster was a great mistake ; but let that
pass. But, for unity to be achieved, it was necessary that
both Parliaments should function, and long before the
Bill had passed through the House of Commons it became
evident that the financial clauses of the Bill were of such a
character as to preclude all possibility of the people of
Southern Ireland accepting the Bill, and that the Southern
Parliament could not function. The Bill was framed to
suit a minority in the North-East — a minority which the
Prime Minister described as " alien in race, alien in sympathy,
alien in religion, alien in tradition, alien in outlook." I
demur to the proposition ; but it was the contention of the
Government, and, because a Bill thus framed was accepted
by the minority, the Government have persisted in asserting
that it must be acceptable also to a majority, which, accord-
ing to their own view, differs absolutely and essentially from
the minority. Can anything be more unstatesmanlike and
illogical ? The Government could never have had the
slightest doubt as to the failure of the Act in Southern
Ireland. Its rejection was plainly stated by the Sinn Fein
Party and Constitutional Nationalists : Unionist opinion
expressed itself as clearly as, under the appalling condition
of Ireland, was possible, through many members in the
House of Commons, who otherwise support the Government,

208 APPENDIX VI

by the almost unanimous voice of peers connected with
Ireland in the House of Lords, and by all the more solid
element of society in many public meetings held in Dublin
and elsewhere. That the Act would not be accepted by
Southern Ireland was made perfectly plain, and the Govern-
ment could have had no illusions about that. And yet they
have insisted, and persist in insisting, that Southern Ireland
ought to accept, and must accept, the Act, and that the
only alternative is military rule. It is obviously useless any
longer to attempt to persuade the Government to endeavour
to find a solution of the problem through legislation, and the
only hope remaining lies in appealing to the British people
and endeavouring to get them to understand the underlying
causes of all the trouble.

Some of the difficulties cumbering the ground have
been cleared away. Ireland's nationality is no longer denied.
That the Act of Union was a failure is admitted ; and it no
longer exists. The issue as between the people of Great
Britain and the people of Ireland has become simplified.
Ireland claims the right of self-determination, and strengthens
her claim by the fact, which cannot be denied, that to main-
tain the rights of small nations was at any rate one of the
objects of the late war. Great Britain claims the equal,
or superior, right of self-preservation. If these propositions
are accepted, the dispute is brought within practicable limits.
The principles, though conflicting, are not irreconcilable.
They are susceptible of adjustment.

The real issue before the Irish people in the 1918 election
was self-determination for Ireland, and it is safe to assume
that the election the other day was really fought on the same
grounds. It is true that the claim to self-determination
took the concrete form of complete separation and the setting-
up of a republican form of government. But the obvious
reason for that extreme definition is that no attempt to grant
self-determination " within the Empire " has been made.
The extent to which the Prime Minister accepted Ireland's
claim to self-determination in the letter in which he gave
a " reference " to the Convention is, I think, forgotten. In
that letter he asked the Convention " to submit to the British
Government a Constitution for the future government of
Ireland within the Empire." He thus acknowledged Ireland's

APPENDIX VI 209

right to determine her own form of government within a
certain limit ; and that limit recognised Great Britain's
right to self-preservation. Ireland could form any Con-
stitution she liked for internal government, provided she
remained " within the Empire " and that her Constitution
was consequently subject to conditions as regards the Crown
and ultimate supremacy of Parliament which govern the
Constitution of the other component parts of the Empire.

With the failure of the Convention it became obvious
that the next move must come from His Majesty's Govern-
ment, and that it was their duty to make proposals that
could possibly be accepted by the Irish people in satisfaction
of their claim to self-determination, and would at the same
time satisfy Great Britain in respect to her security and
the integrity of the Empire. No attempt, however, has
been made by the Government to reconcile the two conflicting
principles, or to make any definite firm offer that could be
accepted by the majority of the Irish people. They have
contented themselves by insisting, with supreme obstinacy,
that their Act ought to be, and must be, accepted.

Ireland demands recognition of her individuality and
control of her internal affairs as the outward and visible
sign of such recognition. It is useless arguing whether fiscal
and financial control would be convenient or inconvenient.
The solid fact must be faced that, if any alternative to
military rule is to be found, it can only be by a grant of full
fiscal and financial control to both Parliaments. It is useless
also to discuss why it is required in one case and not in the
other. The Parliament of the six counties does not require
it ; they are satisfied with the financial clauses of the Act.
Well and good, that is their own affair. The people of
Southern Ireland have emphatically stated that they are
not satisfied with the financial clauses of the Act ; that a
Parliament should have control over taxation and expendi-
ture ; and that a Parliament subject to the financial restric-
tions in the Act must break down.

Would a grant of fiscal and financial autonomy be accepted
by Southern Ireland ? That is a question impossible to
answer. It certainly would have been accepted not many
months ago, and it may not be too late now. If embodied
in an Act, and given a little time, it might be accepted,

VOL. II 2 E

210 APPENDIX VI

and, if so, all difficulties about contributions and so on would
melt away. If refused, justification would be found for
some form of provisional government taking charge on
the rejected terms. It was the plain duty of the Govern-
ment to put before the people the broadest and most compre-
hensive offer within the limits laid down by the Prime
Minister for the security of Great Britain. That would have
created, and would have consolidated, moderate opinion.
Moderate opinion can only protest. It cannot propose a
constructive policy. That is for the Government ; and men
do not risk their lives for political negation. Moderate opinion
has nothing before it except an Act which it has consistently
repudiated. Give it something that it can fasten upon, and
it may have the courage to pronounce itself. It is only fair
also to the leaders of extreme opinion in Ireland that they
should be given some definite proposition to consider. All
the talk about " exploring avenues " and opening negotiations
with people who could guarantee acceptance of terms the
Government might offer was futile, for no such person or
authority existed. There is no getting over the fact that the
only chance of success lay in the Government making the firm
offer which moderate opinion, so far it was able to express
itself, has urged upon them during the last eighteen months,
and that to their failure deplorable conditions are due.

Ireland can, of course, be hammered into a semblance
of order by means which are repugnant to every honest man ;
but it can only be temporarily crushed. The most that force
can accomplish is to bring about an appearance of peace
upon a population nourishing hatred in a ruined land. Force
is, of course, justifiable in many cases, and I believe force
would be justified in the eyes of the people of Great Britain
and in the hearts of the people of Ireland to put down seces-
sion ; but there can be no justification for putting twenty-six
counties of Ireland under a military dictatorship — that is
what it really comes to — until every possible step within the
limits laid down by the Prime Minister for the security of
the United Kingdom and of the Empire has been taken to
satisfy them.

The decision to employ force before every possible alterna-
tive has been exhausted is, indeed (to use the words of the
Lord Chancellor), " a melancholy conclusion." Of all the

APPENDIX VI 211

difficulties confronting us — foreign commitments and domestic
industrial troubles — the condition of Ireland is the most
formidable. It reacts upon all the States of the Empire,
and further. Those States are watching Ireland at this
critical moment ; and watching much more closely the
Government's attitude towards Ireland. If it is to be long
prolonged military rule, I doubt whether the people of Great
Britain will approve ; and it may be that Lord Midleton's
prediction, made in the House of Lords on Tuesday last, that
" the time will not be very far distant when there will be a
feeling that a Government which is incapable of governing
Ireland is also incapable of being responsible for the interests
of the British Empire," may prove to be true.

But there is still a ray of hope. All our entreaties to
postpone the summoning of the Irish Parliament have been
rejected ; but it is not too late to do so. The Northern
Parliament has been opened, but has adjourned to September
20. The Southern Parliament has been elected, but will
not meet. It remains, however, a representative body,
and if the date for which it is summoned were postponed till
September 20, much might be accomplished by an inter-
change of views, and the " new spirit of forbearance and
accommodation " for which the Prime Minister hopes might
find evidence in an Amending Act which would enable both
Parliaments to function. — Your obedient servant,

Dunraven.

22 Norfolk Street,

Park Lane, W.l,

June 24.

The Times was good enough to devote to the foregoing
letter the following leading article :

" Lord Dunraven on Ireland. — Those of our readers
who have shared our appreciation of the letters which Lord
Dunraven has from time to time contributed to this journal
will read with regret that he regards the powerful statement
which we print to-day as his ' swan song,' in so far as the
Irish problem is concerned. A few days ago he reminded the

212 APPENDIX VI

House of Lords that, as a Cornet of Horse, he was at home and
alone in Limerick at the outbreak of the Fenian insurrection
some sixty years ago ; nevertheless, his outlook is as fresh and
as clear as that of any living Irishman. He has long preserved
an individual and independent view in Irish politics, though
it has taken time to prove him, as time has proved him, to
have been mainly in the right. Such men can ill be spared,
and we sincerely hope that he will yet ' sing ' many a ' song.'
Certainly his letter is not that of a man whose usefulness age
or time has impaired. It is a plain, terse statement of irre-
futable facts. Lord Dunraven has lived to construct a
political philosophy upon an intimate and long experience of
his country. The Government have also had, and may still
have, their philosophy ; but, in comparison, it has been a
thing of expediency, and mainly unrelated to the realities of
the Irish situation. As the printed record of our views attests,
we have long agreed with Lord Dunraven's line of argument.
No one dare say now, though some few months ago it could be
said with assurance, that the grant of fiscal and financial
autonomy to Ireland would bring a speedy solution of the
Irish problem ; yet the fact remains that this concession is,
and will continue to be, an essential preliminary to a lasting
settlement. This fact the Government seek persistently to
ignore, even if they have not already ceased to seek a settle-
ment. The failure of their Irish Administration to secure the
acceptance of their Irish Act seems to have plunged them into
dire confusion." — Times, June 25, 1921.

APPENDIX VII

(Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain
and Ireland)

1. Ireland shall have the same constitutional status in the
Community of Nations known as the British Empire as the
Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the
Dominion of New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa,
with a Parliament having powers to make laws for the peace,
order, and good government of Ireland, and an Executive
responsible to that Parliament, and shall be styled and known
as the Irish Free State.

2. Subject to the provisions hereinafter set out, the
position of the Irish Free State in relation to the Imperial
Parliament and Government and otherwise shall be that of
the Dominion of Canada, and the law, practice and con-
stitutional usage governing the relationship of the Crown or
the representative of the Crown and of the Imperial Parlia-
ment to the Dominion of Canada shall govern their relation-
ship to the Irish Free State.

3. The representative of the Crown in Ireland shall be
appointed in like manner as the Governor-General of Canada,
and in accordance with the practice observed in the making
of such appointments.

4. The oath to be taken by Members of the Parliament
of the Irish Free State shall be in the following form :

I ... do solemnly swear true faith and allegiance
to the Constitution of the Irish Free State as by law
established and that I will be faithful to H.M. King
George V., his heirs and successors by law, in virtue of

213

214 APPENDIX VII

the common citizenship of Ireland with Great Britain
and her adherence to and membership of the group of
nations forming the British Commonwealth of Nations.

5. The Irish Free State shall assume liability for the
service of the Public Debt of the United Kingdom as existing
at the date hereof and towards the payment of war pensions
as existing at that date in such proportion as may be fair
and equitable, having regard to any just claims on the part
of Ireland by way of set off or counterclaim, the amount of
such sums being determined in default of agreement by the
arbitration of one or more independent persons being citizens
of the British Empire.

6. Until an arrangement has been made between the
British and Irish Governments whereby the Irish Free State
undertakes her own coastal defence, the defence by sea of
Great Britain and Ireland shall be undertaken by His
Majesty's Imperial Forces, but this shall not prevent the
construction or maintenance by the Government of the Irish
Free State of such vessels as are necessary for the protection
of the Revenue or the Fisheries.

The foregoing provisions of this article shall be reviewed
at a conference of Representatives of the British and Irish
Governments to be held at the expiration of five years from
the date hereof with a view to the undertaking by Ireland
of a share in her own coastal defence.

7. The Government of the Irish Free State shall afford to
His Majesty's Imperial Forces :

(a) In time of peace such harbour and other facilities
as are indicated in the Annex hereto, or such other
facilities as may from time to time be agreed between
the British Government and the Government of the Irish
Free State ; and

(b) In time of war or of strained relations with a
Foreign Power such harbour and other facilities as the
British Government may require for the purposes of
such defence as aforesaid.

8. With a view to securing the observance of the principle
of international limitation of armaments, if the Government

APPENDIX VII 215

of the Irish Free State establishes and maintains a military
defence force, the establishments thereof shall not exceed
in size such proportion of the military establishments
maintained in Great Britain as that which the population
of Ireland bears to the population of Great Britain.

9. The ports of Great Britain and the Irish Free State
shall be freely open to the ships of the other country on
payment of the customary port and other dues.

10. The Government of the Irish Free State agrees to pay
fair compensation on terms not less favourable than those
accorded by the Act of 1920 to judges, officials, members of
police forces, and other public servants, who are discharged
by it or who retire in consequence of the change of govern-
ment effected in pursuance hereof :

Provided that this agreement shall not apply to members
of the Auxiliary Police Force or to persons recruited in
Great Britain for the Royal Irish Constabulary during the
two years next preceding the date hereof. The British
Government will assume responsibility for such compensa-
tion or pensions as may be payable to any of these excepted
persons.

11. Until the expiration of one month from the passing
of the Act of Parliament for the ratification of this instrument,
the powers of the Parliament and the Government of the
Irish Free State shall not be exercisable as respects Northern
Ireland, and the provisions of the Government of Ireland
Act, 1920, shall, so far as they relate to Northern Ireland,
remain of full force and effect, and no election shall be held
for the return of members to serve in the Parliament of the
Irish Free State for constituencies in Northern Ireland, unless
a resolution is passed by both houses of the Parliament of
Northern Ireland in favour of the holding of such elections
before the end of the said month.

12. If, before the expiration of the said month, an address
is presented to His Majesty by both Houses of Parliament of
Northern Ireland to that effect, the powers of the Parliament
and the Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer
extend to Northern Ireland, and the provisions of the Govern-
ment of Ireland Act, 1920 (including those relating to the

216 APPENDIX VII

Council of Ireland), shall, so far as they relate to Northern
Ireland, continue to be of full force and effect, and this
instrument shall have effect subject to the necessary modifica-
tions :

Provided that if such an address is so presented a Com-
mission consisting of three persons, one to be appointed by
the Government of the Irish Free State, one to be appointed
by the Government of Northern Ireland, and one, who shall
be Chairman, to be appointed by the British Government,
shall determine, in accordance with the wishes of the in-
habitants, so far as may be compatible with economic and
geographic conditions, the boundaries between Northern
Ireland and the rest of Ireland, and for the purposes of the
Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and of this instrument,
the boundary of Northern Ireland shall be such as may be
determined by such Commission.

13. For the purpose of the last foregoing Article, the
powers of the Parliament of Southern Ireland under the
Government of Ireland Act, 1920, to elect members of the
Council of Ireland, shall, after the Parliament of the Irish
Free State is constituted, be exercised by that Parliament.

14. After the expiration of the said month, if no such
address as is mentioned in Article 12 hereof is presented, the
Parliament and Government of Northern Ireland shall con-
tinue to exercise as respects Northern Ireland the powers
conferred on them by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920,
but the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State
shall in Northern Ireland have in relation to matters in
respect of which the Parliament of Northern Ireland has
not power to make laws under that Act (including matters
which under the said Act are within the jurisdiction of the
Council of Ireland) the same powers as in the rest of Ireland
subject to such other provisions as may be agreed in manner
hereinafter appearing.

15. At any time after the date hereof the Government of
Northern Ireland and the provisional Government of Southern
Ireland hereinafter constituted may meet for the purpose of
discussing the provisions subject to which the last foregoing
Article is to operate in the event of no such address as is

APPENDIX VII 217

therein mentioned being presented, and those provisions may
include :

(a) safeguards with regard to patronage in Northern

Ireland,

(b) safeguards with regard to the collection of revenue in

Northern Ireland,

(c) safeguards with regard to import and export duties

affecting the trade or industry of Northern Ireland,

(d) safeguards for minorities in Northern Ireland,

(e) the settlement of the financial relations between

Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State,
(/) the establishment and powers of a local militia in

Northern Ireland and the relation of the Defence

Forces of the Irish Free State and of Northern

Ireland respectively ;
and if at any such meeting provisions are agreed to, the same
shall have effect as if they were included amongst the pro-
visions subject to which the powers of the Parliament and
Government of the Irish Free State are to be exercisable in
Northern Ireland under Article 14 hereof.

16. Neither the Parliament of the Irish Free State nor
the Parliament of Northern Ireland shall make any law so
as either directly or indirectly to endow any religion or
prohibit or restrict the free exercise thereof, or give any
preference or impose any disability on account of religious
belief or religious status, or affect prejudicially the right of
any child to attend a school receiving public money without
attending the religious instruction at the school, or make
any discrimination as respects State aid between schools
under the management of different religious denominations
or divert from any religious denomination or any educational
institution any of its property except for public utility
purposes and on payment of compensation.

17. By way of provisional arrangement for the administra-
tion of Southern Ireland during the interval which must
elapse between the date hereof and the constitution of a
Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State in
accordance therewith, steps shall be taken forthwith for
summoning a meeting of members of Parliament elected for

VOL. II 2 F

218 APPENDIX VII

constituencies in Southern Ireland since the passing of the
Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and for constituting a
provisional Government, and the British Government shall
take the steps necessary to transfer to such provisional
Government the powers and machinery requisite for the
discharge of its duties, provided that every member of such
provisional Government shall have signified in writing his
or her acceptance of this instrument. But this arrangement
shall not continue in force beyond the expiration of twelve
months from the date hereof.

18. This instrument shall be submitted forthwith by His
Majesty's Government for the approval of Parliament and by
the Irish signatories to a meeting summoned for the purpose
of the members elected to sit in the House of Commons of
Southern Ireland, and, if approved, shall be ratified by the
necessary legislation.

(Signed)

On behalf of the British On behalf of the Irish
Delegation, Delegation,

D. Lloyd George. Art 6 Griobhtha.

Austen Chamberlain. Michal 6 Coileain.

Birkenhead. Riobard Bartun.

Winston S. Churchill. E. S. (3 Dugain.

L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS. SEORSA GhABHAIN til

Hamar Greenwood. Dhubhthaigh.

Gordon Hewart.

6th December 1921.

ANNEX
1. The following are the specific facilities required :

Dockyard Port at Berehaven

(a) Admiralty property and rights to be retained as
at the date hereof. Harbour defences to remain in
charge of British care and maintenance parties.

APPENDIX VII 219

QUEENSTOWN

(b) Harbour defences to remain in charge of British
care and maintenance parties. Certain mooring buoys
to be retained for use of His Majesty's ships.

Belfast Lough

(c) Harbour defences to remain in charge of British
care and maintenance parties.

Lough Swilly

(d) Harbour defences to remain in charge of British
care and maintenance parties.

Aviation

(e) Facilities in the neighbourhood of the above
ports for coastal defence by air.

Oil Fuel Storage

(To be offered for sale to com-
mercial companies under
guarantee that purchasers
shall maintain a certain mini-
mum stock for Admiralty
purposes.

2. A convention shall be made between the British
Government and the Government of the Irish Free State to
give effect to the following conditions :

(a) That submarine cables shall not be landed or wireless
stations for communication with places outside
Ireland be established except by agreement with
the British Government ; that the existing cable
landing rights and wireless concessions shall not be
withdrawn except by agreement with the British
Government ; and that the British Government
shall be entitled to land additional submarine
cables or establish additional wireless stations for
communication with places outside Ireland :

(/) Haulbowline
Rathmullen

220 APPENDIX VII

(b) That lighthouses, buoys, beacons, and any navigational

marks or navigational aids shall be maintained by
the Government of the Irish Free State as at the
date hereof, and shall not be removed or added to
except by agreement with the British Govern-
ment :

(c) The war signal stations shall be closed down and left

in charge of care and maintenance parties, the
Government of the Irish Free State being offered
the option of taking them over and working them
for commercial purposes subject to Admiralty
inspection and guaranteeing the upkeep of existing
telegraphic communication therewith.

3. A Convention shall be made between the same
Governments for the regulation of Civil Communication
by Air.

APPENDIX VIII

(Summary of Recommendations of the Conference of
1917-18 upon Reform of the Second Chamber)

The Second Chamber to consist of two sections. One section
to consist of 246 persons elected by panels of members of
the House of Commons distributed in geographical groups.
Nominations of persons by a group may be made by any
members of that group. The proceedings of members con-
stituting the group to be private for the purposes of the
election (by ballot, and by proportional representation by
the method of the single transferable vote). Another section
to be chosen by a Joint Standing Committee of both Houses
(5 members each) in the first instance, and thereafter of the
House of Commons and the new Second Chamber. The
number of this section to be about one-third of the whole
Second Chamber (excluding ex officio members, i.e. Law
Lords). In the first instance the persons chosen for this
section to be selected from holders of hereditary peerages
(including Scottish and Irish) and the Bishops holding diocesan
sees so that not less than five such bishops are included in
the number chosen at the first election : at the second and
third elections by the Joint Standing Committee not less
than half the vacancies to be filled on each occasion to
be filled by the selection of holders of hereditary peerages
or Bishops, and the remainder from whatever source the
Joint Standing Committee may think best, whether within
or without the peerage. The term of office of members of
both sections to be twelve years ; one-third of the members
to retire every fourth year. Clergymen of any existing
religious community to be eligible for election. The Second
Chamber not to have power to amend or reject a Financial
Bill. When a Bill passed by one House has been rejected

221

222 APPENDIX VIII

by the other House, or passed by it with amendments to
which the first House has refused to agree, either House
may, by resolution, demand a reference of the Bill to a Free
Conference. This Free Conference to consist of (a) 20
members of each House appointed at the beginning of each
Parliament by the Committee of Selection in each House in
such a manner as to enable expression to be given to the
various sections of opinion in that House. This body to
be entitled the " Joint Standing Committee of Conferences " ;
(b) 10 members of each House added by the Committee of
Selection to the Joint Standing Committee on the occasion
of the reference of any particular Bill, to form with the
Joint Standing Committee the " Free Conference " on the Bill.
The report of the Free Conference to be made to both Houses
simultaneously, and to contain the recommendations of the
Free Conference with regard to a suggested basis of agree-
ment between the two Houses in the form of a Bill. After
a Bill has been referred to the Free Conference, and the Free
Conference has reported it with or without amendment to
the two Houses, neither House may amend the Bill. If
both Houses agree to the Bill as reported from the Conference,
the Bill shall be presented for the Royal Assent. If the Bill
as reported be accepted by one House, but rejected by the
other, it shall be referred back to the Conference in the
Session next following that in which the Bill originated ;
and if the Conference then reports that it has accepted the
Bill in the same form by a majority of not less than three
of those present and voting, the Bill, if then approved by
both Houses or by the House of Commons alone, shall be
presented to the Sovereign for the Royal assent. If the
Free Conference fail to pass the Bill again in the same form,
or passes it by a majority of less than three, the Bill shall
lapse, unless both Houses accept the Bill as reported by the
Free Conference.

INDEX

UAbbessc dc Jouarre, i. 169
Abercorn, Duke of, ii. 5, 6, 15, 21
" Abraham Joe," i. 151
Abyssinian War, i. 167, 184, 211-18

(see " Wars ")
" Acrobat," steeplechaser, i. 208
Act of Union, i. 2-3, ii. 70, 196, 197,

208
Adare :

Birthplace, i. 1

Building of, grandparents' hobby,

i. 2
Manor, built with native produce

and by village talent, i. 2
Relations with tenants at, i. 18,

21-2, 23-5
Tenants' balls at, i. 19
During Fenian Rising, i. 23, ii. 201
Earl Spencer's visit, i. 25-6
Parties at, sixty years ago, i. 27-8
Visit of Prince Henry of Prussia, i.

41-2
Wild - game shooting, partridge-
driving, etc., when a boy, i. 174
Visits of John Palliser, an American

" mighty hunter," i. 206
Shamrock from, distributed to
Munster Fusiliers during War, i.
237-8
Lord Randolph Churchill's visit, ii.

104
Tobacco-growing at, ii. 118
Stud Farm at, i. 170-1
Aden, i. 67, 166, 217
Admiralty :

Acceptance of hospital Greta, i. 232
Grianaig appropriated as hospital
carrier in October 1914, i. 205 ;
denotified in July 1918, i. 252
Kindness of officials, i. 244, 255
Relations with, i. 233
Thanks for services, i. 255
^gean Sea, i. 246
Afghan Question (see " Foreign

Politics ")
Air Raid, first, i. 251-2
Albert Hall, i. 203
Alexandria, i. 167, 239, 245, 246

All-for-Ireland Conciliation League
(see " Ireland ")

" All-Highest," the :

And his schooner Meteor, i. 39, 61-2
And the King's Cup, i. 60-62

All-Ireland Parliament, ii. 64

Alwida, i. 41

Ambition, ii. 152

Amending Bill, ii. 50, 51

America :

Travels and big-game shooting in,

i. 65-145, ii. 95
New York fifty years ago, i. 67-8, 69
Wedding trip in 1869, i. 65, 165
Second trip immediately after

Franco-German War, i. 72
Trips during sixteen consecutive

years, i. 144
Last trip in 1896, i. 67
Trip to Florida, i. 144-5

America Cup :

Valkyrie IISs and Valkyrie IIIJs

attempts to win, i. 45-6, 48-9
Protest against the Defender, i. 48
News of Molly Morgan's win of
Cambridgeshire on return from
race for, i. 169-70

Amiens, i. 258

Amphitryon, the, i. 187

Anderson, Mary, i. 193

Andover (Earl of Suffolk), i. 168

Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. 101

Annesley Bay, i. 67

Antelope, stalking of, i. 101-2, 127-9

Anti-Partition League, ii. 64

Antonelli, Cardinal, i. 8

Antwerp, i. 219

Arc de Triomphe, i. 226, 259

Arcachon, i. 243

Architecture, Notes on Irish, i. 4

Ardath, i. 192

Ardee, Lord, among wounded brought
home on Grianaig, i. 238

Ard-Fheis, ii. 156-7, 159, 163-4

Argyll, Duke of, i. 190

Argyll Rooms, i. 200

Armenia, ii. 101

Army Convention in Dublin, ii. 163

223

224

INDEX

Arnold, Edwin, i. 183
Arras, visit to battlefield, i. 257-8
Art, early taste for, i. 33
Articles of Agreement (see " Ire-
land ")
Ascot, i. 193-4, 210
Ashburton, Lord, i. 174
Asia Minor, ii. 100-101
Asquith, Autobiography of Mar got, i.

193
Asquith, Mr., ii. 49, 50-51, 57-8, 127
Asquith, Mrs., i. 193
Asser, General, i. 23-9
Astley, Sir John (" The Mate "), i.

168
Astley, Lady Florence, i. 203
Athenaeum Club, i. 185
Athens, i. 245

Atkinson, Mr. (now Lord), ii. 29
Atlantic Cable, laying of : visit of

Lord Carlisle to Valentia, i. 27
Audrey :

Own design and real love, i. 50, 59
Design and building of, i. 56-7, ii.

177-8
Her success, i. 57-9, ii. 178
Austin, Alfred, i. 182
Australian Hospital, i. 233, 235
Australians, i. 246
Austria :

Archduke Karl Stephen, i. 43
Shooting and deer-stalking in the

Tyrol, i. 164
Visit to battlefields of Austrian-
Prussian War, i. 167
If we had backed the Danes in that
War ? i. 167
Axum, i. 216

Bacchus, Captain Machell's good

fortune, i. 168
Bailleul, i. 258
Bait Act, ii. 110
Baker, Valentine, i. 183
Balfour, Mr. (now Earl of) :

Member of Fourth Party, i. 189
Statements concerning George
Wyndham and the Devolution
proposals ; and George Wynd-
ham's resignation of Chief Sec-
retaryship, ii. 35-7
And Tariff Reform, ii. 140-41
The " Valentine " Letters, ii. 144
Balfour of Burleigh, Lord, ii. 141
Balls :

Adare, i. 19

Stafford House, i. 198

Bal costume" at Devonshire House,

ii. 203
Albert Hall, i. 203
Officers', at St. Germains in Franco-
German War, i. 221

Baltic and Germany, the, ii. 99-100,

101
Bamboo Creek, i. 228
Bandon, Earl of, ii. 42
Barbour, Sir David, ii. 190
Barrymore, Lord, ii. 5, 6, 42
Barton, Commandant R. G., ii. 81,

218
Batoum, ii. 100
Batthyany, Prince, i. 43
" Bay Middleton," i. 186
Beaconsfield, Lord :

And the Abyssinian Expedition, i.

215
Orator, i. 190
His tribute to first speech in House

of Lords, ii. 97
Friendship and interviews with

him, i. 187, ii. 97-8
A patriot to the core ; his sincerity,
ii. 98
Bedford Lodge, Newmarket, i. 168
Beefsteak Club, i. 178
Beere, Mrs. Bernard, i. 193
Beira, i. 227-9
Belfast, ii. 50, 86, 158, 199
Belfast Lough, ii. 219
Bentall, i. 58, ii. 178, 179
Berehaven, ii. 217
Berlin, ii. 100
Bethune, i. 258
Bevis, Charles, skipper of Audrey, i.

58
Big Horn Range, i. 125
Bimetallism :

Moreton Frewcn and, i. 203-4
Birkenhead, Lord (see " Lord Chan-
cellor, the")
Birmingham, ii. 102, 138
Birrell, Mr., ii. 42-5, 127

His Land Bill of 1908, ii. 42-5
Bismarck :

Interview with, i. 219

Surprise visit to Officers' dance, i.

222
His escape of capture, i. 222
And co-operation with Russia, ii.
99-100
Black Sea, ii. 99, 100
Blennerhassett, Mrs., i. 232
Blennerhassett, Miss Hilda, i. 232
Blennerhassett, Miss Nesta, i. 232
Blennerhassett, Miss Vera, i. 232
Blount, Wilfrid, i. 178
Blowitz, i. 225
" Blue Posts," the, i. 187
" Board of Erin " Hibernians (" The
Mollies ") :

Opposed All - for- Ireland

League, ii. 46-7
Government support of, ii.
46

INDEX

225

Boer War, i. 226-30 (see " Wars ") :
Decision on conclusion of, ii. 1
No complete recovery of health

since, ii. 152
Bogstick, Mahogany, an extraordinary

Irishman, i. 91
Bohemia, i. 173-4
Bombay, ii. 5

Boteler, Fred, i. 100, 130-31
Boteler's Ranch, i. 89, 93, 99, 100,

102, 106, 138
Boulion, i. 219
Boulogne, i. 236, 238, 239, 240, 241,

242
Boundary Commission, ii. 157-8
Bowles, Tommy (Thomas Gibson), ii.

121
Boyle, Richard (Earl of Cork), ii. 117
Bozeman, i. 89, 138
Brabazon, General (" Brab "), i. 185
Brevort House, the, i. 67
" Bridge," first introduction to, i. 192
Britannia, i. 43-4, 61-2
British Museum, i. 216
Broadlands, ii. 94
Brockton, i. 224, 225
Brooke, i. 259
Brugha, Mr., ii. 163
Bryce, Lord, ii. 128
Buckingham Palace, Conference of

1914, ii. 50
Buckland, Frank, i. 184
" Buffalo Bill," i. 72-5, 78-9
Buffalo-running, i. 85-6
Bulawayo, i. 190, 228
Bulgarian atrocities, i. 185
Burnand, Sir Francis, i. 182
Burton, Richard, i. 178
Butler, General Sir William, i. 226
Butt, Mr., ii. 162
" Buttes," the, i. 144
Buxton, i. 23

Cafe Royal, i. 187

Cairo, i. 167

Calcroft, Henry, i. 193

Calluna, i. 44

Campbell (servant on American trips),

i. 100-102, 132-7
Campbell, Lady Archie, i. 182
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, ii.

20
Campo Santa, i. 250
Canada :

Trips to Quebec, i. 145-50
Trips to Nova Scotia, i. 156-64
Canadian cattle, importation of,

ii. 42
" Candy, Sugar," i. 186
Cannes, i. 238, 244, 249
Canons of the Yellowstone, i. Ill,

112-13

VOL. II

Canterbury, i. 4

Canterbury, Archbishop of, ii. 15, 71

Cape, offered Governorship of the, ii.

104
Cape Town, i. 229
Cariad /., i. 59-60
Cariad II., i. 39-41, 60, 183, 232,

ii. 26
Cariboo hunting :

In Quebec, i. 148, 149-50
In Newfoundland, i. 150
In Nova Scotia, 159-60, 162-3
Carleton, Sir Dudley, ii. 117
Carlisle, Lord, i. 27
Carmichael, Consul, i. 251
Carnarvon, ii. 149
Carrington, General, i. 229
Carson, Sir Edward (now Lord), i.
192, ii. 31, 49, 56, 58, 83
Attitude towards (1) Devolution
proposals, ii. 31 ; (2) Home Rule
Bill of 1912, ii. 49
Violent Speech on Articles of
Agreement, ii. 83
Castellamare, i. 249
" Castle " Geyser, i. 115, 117-18
" Castle Government," ii. 56
Castletown of Upper Ossory, Lord,

ii. 9
Cavalazzi, Madame, i. 203
Cawdor, Lord, ii. 127
Celtic Society, i. 4
Cervi Channel, i. 246
Cetonia, i. 40
Chamberlain, Mr. :

Visit to Dunraven, i. 189

Lawn tennis in frock-coat and top

hat, i. 258
And the Devolution proposals, ii.

29
And Tariff Reform, ii. 134; his

resignation, ii. 140-41
Visit to him at Highbury, ii. 142
His forecast of the 1906 General

Election, ii. 143
The " Valentine " Letters, ii. 144
Chamberlain, Mr. Austen, ii. 81, 127,

218
Chaplin, Harry, i. 168, 186
Chartist Riots, i. 206
Chateaudun, i. 222
Cherbourg, i. 234
Chickchock Mountains, i. 148
Childers Commission, ii. 198
Childhood :

First speech, i. 1
" Chinese Slavery," ii. 144
Choate, Mr., i. 179
Christ Church, Oxford, i. 9
Christopher, Captain, i. 226
Churchill, Lady Randolph, i. 194, 203,
205

2g

226

INDEX

Churchill, Lord Randolph, i. 179,
180-81, 189, 193, ii. 103-4
Owned L'Abbesse de Jouarre, in

partnership with him, i. 169
Intimate friendship with him, ii.

103
His marvellous and curiously com-
posite personality, ii. 103-4
Stay at Adare, ii. 104
His fatal mistake in resigning in
1886, ii. 104
Churchill, Mr. Winston, i. 236, ii. 81,

161, 162, 168, 218
Cicely, i. 40
Cintra, i. 59
Civita Vecchia, i. 249
Clanricarde, Lord, i. 180
Clare, ii. 71
Clayton, Mr., ii. 178
Clemenceau, i. 259
Cleveland, Duchess of, i. 191
Clonmacnoise, Mr. Davitt's speech at,

ii. 29
Clotted cream and crabs, i. 166
Coalition, invitations to Irishmen to

join, ii. 58
Cocktails, i. 197
Cody, William ("Buffalo Bill"), i.

72-75, 78-9
College of St. Columba, i. 5
Collins, Mr. Michael :

Delegate to 10 Downing Street, ii. 1
Statement after signing Articles of

Agreement, ii. 83
And Boundary Question, ii. 157-8
And fatal effects of disunion, ii.

162
Statement of position of Provisional

Government, ii. 171
Commander-in-Chief of War Coun-
cil, ii. 175
Colonial politics :

Twice Under-Secretary during Lord
Salisbury's Administrations, ii.
102-3
Causes of resignation, ii. 103
Offered Governorship of the Cape,
ii. 104
Colorado, i. 140-45
Commonwealth of Nations, ii. 81, 89,

145, 212, 213
Commune, the, i. 226
Complete Yachtsman, The, i. 58, ii.

177-8
Compton Place, i. 192
Congested Districts Board, ii. 24
Connaught Rooms, i. 185
Constantinople, i. 165
Contagious diseases in the Army,

speech in Lords, i. 201
Contemptibles, the incomparable, i.
256

" Continental, the," i. 200

Convention of 1917 :

History of, ii. 58-61, 208-9
Causes of failure, ii. 59-60

Coombe Hill Farm, i. 182

Coombe Wood, i. 135, 182, 188

Cooper, Fenimore, i. 98

Coote, Sir Algernon, ii. 9, 25

Corelli, Marie, i. 192

Corinne, i. 89

Memorable drive from Virginia
City, i. 138-9

Corinth Canal, i. 246

Corinthian, the, i. 200

Cork, ii. 4, 42, 45, 47, 167, 199

Cork Accent, ii. 47

Cork Free Press, ii. 47-8

Cork, Royal Yacht Club, i. 34

Cornwallis-West, Mrs., i. 204

Cory, Monty (Lord Rowton), ii. 97

Cosette, i. 41

County Councils :

Elections for Croom Division, i. 28-

30 ; work upon, i. 30-31
Father Flanagan's support, and
protest by Bishop O'Dwyer, i. 28
Member of London C.C. (Wands-
worth Division), i. 30
Member of Glamorganshire C.C, i.
30

County of London Imperial Yeo-
manry, i. 226, 230
Subsequently Armoured Car Com-
pany (Sharpshooters), i. 230

Coventry, Arthur, i. 168

Coventry Stakes, i. 170

Cowan, Sir John, i. 256

Cowes, i. 194, 239

Cowley, Lord, i. 8, 204

Cradley Heath, ii. 107

Craig, Captain, ii. 50

Craig, Sir James, ii. 71, 78, 157-8, 166

Cranfield, Bill, i. 44-5

" Crater Hill," i. 114

Crawford, Lord, voyage with, i. 167

Crawford, Marion, i. 182

Cremorne Restaurant, i. 200

Crete, i. 247

Crewe, Lord, ii. 127

Crimes Act, ii. 4

Cripple, the, i. 34-5

Crisis in Ireland, The, publication
of, ii. 66

Croker, Richard, i. 169

Cromer, Lord, i. 191

Crookes, Will, i. 191

Crow Agency :

Visit to, i.'93-5, 97
A coup dance, i. 93-5

w' Crown Colony " Government, ii. 62

" Cures," i. 231

Curzon, Lord, i. 190, ii. 68, 82

INDEX

227

Custer, General, i. 193
Cutting, Lady Sybil, i. 246
Cyane, i. 41

Dail Eireann (see " Ireland ")

Daily News, i. 181

Daily Telegraph, i. 183, 184, 211, 222

Dalhousie, Lady, i. 204

Dally, John, i. 208

Dalmatian coast, i. 165, 166

Daly, John, i. 172

Daly, William, ii. 9

Damascus, i. 165, 166

Dancing :

At Adare, i. 19

At the cross-roads, i. 19

At St. Germains, in Franco-German

War, i. 24
A coup dance by the Crow Indians,

i. 93-5
At Stafford House, i. 198
At Devonshire House, i. 203
At the Albert Hall, i. 203
" Dark Races, The," i. 185
Dartmouth, dances and picnics at, i. 35
D'Aurelle de Paladines, i. 222
Davitt, Michael, ii. 11, 17, 29

Denunciation of Land Conference
Report, ii. 17 ; and of the " Dun-
raven project," ii. 29
Deal, i. 253
de Blowitz, i. 225
de Bonval, Madame (nie Payne-

Gallwey), i. 8
De Freyne, Lord, ii. 73
de Joncourt, Madame, i. 194
de Robeck, Admiral Sir John, i. 244
de Ros, Colonel Lord, i. 207-8
de Soveral, Marquess de, i. 185
de Tuyll, Max, i. 185
de Valera, Mr. :

President of Irish Republic and of

Sinn Fein, ii. 61, 72, 156
Meeting with Sir James Craig, ii. 71
Invitation to Conference in London,
ii. 76 ; subsequent correspond-
ence with Prime Minister, ii. 78-
81
Decision not to recommend accept-
ance of proposed Treaty, ii. 82 ;
attack upon Treaty in the Dail,
ii. 90
His extraordinary political gym-
nastics, ii. 159-61
Active association with rebels in
Dublin, ii. 170
Declaration of London : history of,
and wise action by the House of
Lords, ii. 121-3
Deer-stalking, i. 164
Defender, i. 48-9, 179
Deirdre, i. 41

del Sarto, Andrea, i. 249
Delacour, John, i. 183
Delane, i. 178
Delmonico's, i. 67
Democracy, effect of, i. 198
Denver :
Fortune possible fifty years ago,

i. 71
Impersonation during absence, i.

143
Depression in Trade and Industry

Commission (see " Fair Trade ")
der Kanstler, i. 221
Derrv, ii. 158
Desart, Earl of, ii. 73
Desmond, i. 170, 171
Despair, Bay of, i. 151
" Devil's Den, the," i. Ill
Devlin, Mr., ii. 46
Devolution (see " Ireland ")
Devonshire, Duchess of, i. 192
Devonshire, Duke of (8th), i. 187
Devonshire House, i. 203
Diary :

Loss of, in collision between Val-
kyrie II. and Satanita, i. v, 46
Dickson-Poynder, Sir John (now Lord

Islington), i. 226
Dido, i. 253, 255
Dieppe, i. 189
Dilke, Sir Charles, i. 189
Dillon, John :

Attitude towards proposed Land

Conference, ii. 7, 11
Opposition to Land Act, ii. 23, 39,

42
Member of Buckingham Palace

Conference, ii. 50
Dockrell, Sir Maurice, ii. 79
Doles, ii. 148
" Dominion " status, ii. 65-6, 80, 91,

196
Donaldson, Mr., i. 44
Donkey as a food, i. 223
Donoughmore, Earl of, ii. 78
Donovan, General, i. 238
Dora Channel, i. 246
Douai, i. 257

Dover, i. 236, 239, 240, 253
D'Oyly Carte, i. 183
Dragon, ii. 178
Dress :

Natural order of adornment re-
versed by modern civilisation, i.

201-2
Men's garments, i. 199, 202
Women's garments sixty years ago,

i. 209-10
Fancy, increase in popularity, i.

204
Drogheda, Marquess of, i. 54, 55
Drummond- Wolff, i. 189

228

INDEX

Dublin, ii. 4, 5, 6, 7, 58, 60, 61, 162,
163, 167, 168, 176, 239
Society sixty years ago, i. 27-8
Dublin University, ii. 72
Dudley, Lady (Georgina), i. 204, 251
Dudley, Lady (Rachel), i. 231, 234,

235
Dudley, Lord :

Approval of proposed Land Con-
ference, ii. 10
Tribute to Conference's Report, ii.
15-16
Dufferin, Marquess of, i. 41
Duffy, Mr. G. Gavan, ii. 81, 218
Duggan, Commandant, ii. 81, 218
Duke, Mr., ii. 57
Duncombes, the, i. 204
Dundalk, speech by John Redmond,

ii. 11
Dunkirk, i. 240
Dunoon, i. 51
Dunraven, 1st Earl of :

Early recollections, i. 1-2, 3
Dunraven, 3rd Earl of :
A martyr to gout, i. 2
Liberal-Conservative for Glamor-
gan, i. 3, ii. 94
Devoted to archaeology, i. 3-4, ii.

94
Great friend of Montalembert, i. 4,

ii. 94
A founder of the Irish Archaeo-
logical Society and the Celtic
Society, i. 4, ii. 94
Author of Notes on Irish Architect-
ure, i. 4, ii. 94
Received into Church of Rome, i. 4
A founder of St. Columba College,

i. 4
Special Constable during Chartist
Riots, i. 206
Dunraven, 3rd Countess of :
A very earnest Protestant, i. 4
Her influence in religious matters, i.

7
Gave Lord Halsbury first brief on
South Wales Circuit, i. 191
Dunraven (Glamorgan) :
Early years spent there, i. 1
Shooting at, i. 174
Often visited by Joe Chamberlain

and his wife, i. 189
Hospital during Great War, i. 232
Dream of artillery battle at, during
air-raid, i. 251
" Dunraven Devolution Scheme," the

(see " Devolution ")
Duomo, the, i. 250

Eames, Colonel l'Estrange, i. 233,

234, 236, 238
Easter Week Rebellion, ii. 56, 170

Ecroyd, Farrer, ii. 130
Edmonds, Judge, his faith in Spirit-
ualism, i. 65-6
His daughter, Mrs. Gilmour, i. 66
Education :

Roman Catholic influences in boy-
hood, i. 8-9
Refusal to go to the Roman

Catholic College at Oscott, i. 9
In Rome, i. 165

Christ Church, Oxford, i. 9, 34, 207
Effect upon Irish spirituality and

sense of religion, i. 21
At private school with Marquess of

Hastings, i. 186
Military, i. 23, 207-8, ii. 98
Edward the Seventh, King :

Played cricket with him at Windsor

as a boy, i. 43
A true friend and a wise one, and a

wise king, i. 43
His yacht Britannia, i. 43-4, 61-2
Inspection of 18th Battalion Im-
perial Yeomanry (Sharpshooters),
i. 227
Letter of congratulation (when
Prince of Wales) upon passing of
Marriage with Deceased Wife's
Sister Bill, ii. 116
Egypt, i. 167, ii. 101
Egypt House, i. 194
Egypt Point, i. 251
Eichhorn (Bohemia), legends about,

i. 173
Election of 1906, Mr. Chamberlain's

forecast, ii. 143
Election of 1922, Mr. de Valera's
objections to, ii. 159
Victories of real significance, ii.
167-8
Elliot, Sir Francis, i. 245
Elliott, Miss Maxine, i. 241
Emigrants' Peak, i. 124
Emly, Lord, i. 4
Encylopcedia of Sport, i. 59
English-speaking Union, ii. 151
Enniskillen, ii. 158
Enniskillen, Earl of, i. 29
Epsom, i. 186, 210
Erin, i. 242, 248
Esperance, L\ i. 41
Essex, Lady, i. 197
Estes Park, i. 89, 140-43
Etaples, i. 240
" Eternal City, The," an eternal

mystery, i. 165
" Eternal feminine," the, i. 199
Etreuse, i. 237
Eucharis, i. 58, ii. 178
Euphrates Valley, ii. 100-101
Evans, Captain, V.C., i. 259
Eventail, ii. 170

INDEX

229

Everard, Colonel (now Sir Nugent),

ii. 9, 11, 12, 15, 118, 185
Evicted tenants, ii. 24
Evolution, i. 58, ii. 178
Expeditionary Force of Great War, i.

232

Factory and Workshops Act (see

" Sweated Industries ")
Fair Trade :

Collaboration with Louis Jennings,

i. 179, ii. 131-3
Moved for Select Committee in

1884, ii. 130
Royal Commission — Report and

Minority Report, ii. 130-31
Fair Trade League and Fair Trade

Club, ii. 131
Fair Trade Journal, ii. 132
Speeches in large centres, ii. 132-4,

138
Letter to Cardiff Tariff Reform
League, of which President, ii.
138, 141-2
Tariff Reform red hot in 1903 :
repeal of duty on corn : Cabinet
crisis : Mr. Chamberlain's resig-
nation : subsequent events, ii.
140-46
Question of Tariff Reform Associa-
tion in Ireland, ii. 142-3
The " Valentine " Letters, ii. 144
Fairies, belief of Irish people in, i. 20
Fane, Violet, i. 192
Farren, Nelly, i. 193
Federalism, i. 190, ii. 59-61, 65, 67, 91
Advantages of, ii. 60-61, 91
Lord Grey's death a great loss to, i.

190
Addendum to Majority Report of
Irish Convention, ii. 59-61
Felixstowe, i. 254
Fenian Rising, i. 22-3, ii. 201
Fergusson, Sir James, i. 226
Fife, Mr. William, i. 58, ii. 178
Finance Bill of 1909, ii. 44, 124-5
Financial Relations between Great
Britain and Ireland, i. 31-2, ii. 198
Finch, Wynne, i. 186
Fiesole, i. 249
Firbolg, i. 20
First Life Guards, Officer in, i. 23,

207-10, ii. 98-212
Fiscal and Financial Autonomy (see
" Government of Ireland Bill ")
Fisheries :

Neglect by the State : efforts to
induce Government to realise
potentialities, ii. 119, 121
Salmon, propagation of : Canadian
Government hatcheries, ii. 119-
121

Fishing :

Spearing salmon, i. 153-4

Salmon, i. 175

Trout, i. 175

Sea, i. 175

Trawling, i. 175-6

Use of Fleet in Great War, i. 25G
FitzAlan, Lord, i. 27, ii. 73
Five Hole River, i. 115
Flanagan, Father, i. 28
Florence, i. 249
Florida, trip to, i. 144-5
Flower, Peter, i. 186
" Fly, The " :

Name before " The Skipper," i. 208
Flying :

Wilbur Wright, Pau, i. 7

First flight, during War, i. 7, 254
Forbes, Lady Angela, i. 194
Force of National Sentiment, The :

Subject of address to All-for-
Ireland meeting at Cork, ii. 47-8
Foreign Politics :

Article to The World upon Euro-
pean situation, ii. 99-100

Active interest in Asiatic aspect of
Eastern Question, ii. 100-102 ; in
Newfoundland Question, ii. 109-
115
Fort Ellis, i. 88, 89, 91, 92-3, 138
Fort McPherson, i. 72
Fort Union Stud, Adare, i. 169-71
Four Courts (Dublin), occupation and

destruction of, ii. 168, 169-70
" Fourth Party," the, i. 189
France and Newfoundland Question,

ii. 109-15
Francis, Major d'Arcy, ii. 230
Franco-German War, i. 184, 218-26

(see " Wars ")
Fraser, Keith, i. 221
Freelovers, the, ii. 225
Freeman's Journal, ii. 17
Fremantle, Major the Hon. F. T., i.

226
French, knowledge of, useful during

Abyssinian War, i. 212
French, Lord, i. 178
Frewen, Moreton, i. 203-4
Frewen, Mrs. Moreton, i. 203
Friendship, ii. 150
Furnes, i. 241

Galeka, i. 227
Galerie des Glaces, i. 258-9
Galla women, i. 216
Gallatin Mountains, i. 125
Gallipoli, i. 230, 244, 256
Game Laws :

Experience of, in Nova Scotia, i.
160-62
Games, i. 176

230

INDEX

Gardiner's River, i. 110

Gareth, ii. 178

Garinish, i. 27

Garlic, views upon, i. 250

Garrick Club, i. 184

Garry Fort, fifty years ago, i. 71

Gavrelle, i. 257

Geometry, effect of recent scientific
discoveries upon, i. 14

George, Mr. Lloyd, ii. 50, 56, 79, 81,
127, 199, 207, 208, 211, 218

Germany :

Heroism of Irish prisoners in, ii. 54
Her foreign policy in 1876, ii. 99,
100

Germany, Crown Prince and Princess
of, i. 219

Geysers of the Yellowstone, i. 88

Gibraltar, i. 242, 253

Gibson, the celebrated sculptor, be-
friended by him, when a boy in
Rome, i. 165

Gilbert and Sullivan Opera, i. 183-4

Gilbert, Sir William, i. 183

Gilmour, Mrs. (formerly Laura Ed-
monds), i. 66

Gladstone, Mr., i. 184, 188, ii. 29, 97

Glamorgan, i. 3

Glasgow, i. 50, ii. 138, 151

Gleeson, Father, i. 238

Glen Falls, i. 66

Glin, Knight of, i. 232

Glyn, Mr. and Mrs. Clayton, i. 167

Glyn, Elinor, i. 192

Golf, i. 176

Goodwood, i. 210

Goold, Thomas :

Early Recollections of , i. 1

Goold,Windham, i. 28

Gore-Booth, of Lissadell, i. 6

Gorst, Sir John, i. 189

Goschen, Mr. (subsequently Viscount),
ii. 103

Gould, Jay, i. 179-80

Goulding, Mr. W. J., ii. 73

Gout :

Grandfather a martyr to, i. 2
Large experience of, ii. 153

Government of Ireland Bill of 1920
(see " Ireland ")

Grahames, the, i. 204

Grain, Corney, i. 182

Granard, Earl of, i. 246, ii. 73

Grand Canon, i. Ill, 132-13, 125-6

Grandfathers :

Early recollections of, i. 1-4

Grandmothers :

Early recollections of, i. 2

Grange, the, i. 174

Granville, Lord, his charming per-
sonality, i. 188, 190, ii. 95, 97, 98

Graves, Dr. (Bishop of Limerick), i. 28

Gray, Mabel, i. 200

Great Divide, The, i. 87-8, 110, 145

" Great Famine, The," i. 16-17

Great War, the (see " Wars ")

Green, Paddy, i. 200

Greenwood, Sir Hamar, ii. 69, 81, 218

" Greenwood Tree," the, i. 109

Greta, her work during the Great War,

i. 232, 235
Greville, Captain (afterwards Lord), i.

208
Grey, Sir Edward (now Earl), ii. 20
Grey, Lord, i. 189
Grianaig, her work during the Great

War, i. 47, 62, 233 et seq., ii. 58
Griffith, Mr. Arthur :

Originator of Sinn Fein Movement,

ii. 54-5
Delegate to 10 Downing Street, ii.

81
Statement after signing of Articles

of Agreement, ii. 82-3
Denial of exceeding instructions as

plenipotentiary, ii. 89
Motion in Dail, ii. 95
President of Sinn Fein, and the

Dail, 156-7
Reply to Mr. de Valera concerning
validity of Register of Elections,
ii. 159
Gallant speech in Dail, ii. 165
Griffith, Sir Waldie, i. 169
Grimes, Wellington, the Moose War-
den, i. 161-2
Groote Schuur, i. 230
Grossmiths, the, i. 182, 185
" Grundy, Mrs.," i. 146
Guest, Monty, i. 50
Guinness, Col. the Hon. Walter, ii. 67

Hague, The, ii. 121
Haldane, Mr. (now Lord), ii. 19
Halsbury, Lord, i. 191, ii. 122
Hamilton, Lord George, ii. 141
Hamilton, Sir William, i. 3, ii. 94
Hare, Sir John, i. 184
Harley Street, ii. 153
Harrel, Sir David, ii. 187
Harrington, Mr. T. (Lord Mayor of

Dublin), ii. 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 185
Hartington, 8th Duke of Devonshire,

i. 187
Hartman, Mrs., i. 194
Hartopp, Chicken, i. 186
Harwich Flotilla, i. 233, 252-3, 253-5
Hastings, Marquis of, i. 168, 186
Hatfield, i. 189

Havre, i. 232, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239
Headfort, Marquis of, i. 246
Healy, Maurice, i. 191, ii. 48, 59
Healy, Tim, i. 191, ii. 7, 59
Heckstall Smith, Major, i. 40, 57, 58-9

INDEX

231

Hell-Roaring Creek, i. 124

Henderson, Mr., i. 46, 48

Henry VIII., Ireland a " Kingdom "

from, to Act of Union, ii. 70, 196
Henry of Prussia, Prince, relations

with, i. 41-2
Herd, Sandy, i. 176
" Herky " (Sir Hercules Langrishe), i.

50
Hermit, i. 186
Herreshoff, i. 58, ii. 178
Hewart, Sir Gordon (now Lord), ii.

81 218
Hewins, Mr. W. A. S., ii. 145
Hibernians, Ancient Order of (see

" Board of Erin Hibernians ")
Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael (afterwards

Lord St. Aldwyn), i. 191
Highbury, ii. 142
Hindenburg Line, i. 257
Hirsch, shooting with, in Bohemia, i.

173-4
Holford, George, i. 194
Holland, ii. 99-100
Holland, Lionel, i. 241
Holland, Sir Henry (Lord Knutsford),

ii. 103
Holmpatrick, Lord, ii. 83
Holy Land, i. 165
Home, D. D. :

Seances with, i. 10-13
Home Rule (see also " Ireland")
Bill of 1886 : asked by Lord Grey

to move rejection of, i. 189-90
Bill of 1902, history of, ii. 48-51
Bill of 1914, ii. 195
Conference at Buckingham Palace,

ii. 50
Home, Major, i. 233
Horse-breeding :

Successes of Stud at Adare, i. 170-71
Chairman of Vice-Regal Commis-
sion upon, i. 172-3
Motions in the Lords, i. 172-3
Horseflesh as a food, i. 223
Horsley, Sir Victor, i. 235
Hozier, Henry, i. 211
Hot Springs, the, i. 110-11, 114-23
Hotel Chatham, i. 223
Houghton, Lord (Monckton Milnes),

i. 178
Hughes, William (Prime Minister of

Australia), i. 260
Hunter's Quay, i. 44, 46
Hunting (see America, Austria, New-
foundland, Nova Scotia, Quebec,

U.S.A.)
Hurlburt, Henry, i. 26, ii. 95-96, 99
Hutcheson-Poe, Colonel (now Sir

William), ii. 8, 9, 11, 25, 185
Huxley, i. 181
Hyde Park, Battle of 1866, i. 209

Imperial Trade and Defence :

Moved Resolution in Lords for a
Colonial Conference : reasons, ii.
135-6 ; Lord Salisbury's reply, ii.
137
Moved Resolution upon Prefer-
ential Trade, ii. 137 ; Lord
Balfour of Burleigh's reply, ii . 138
Question of duty on corn, ii. 139-40
Imperial Yeomanry (Sharpshooters) :
Chairman of Committee for raising,

for Boer War, i. 226
Offered second-in-command of 18th

Battalion, i. 226
After the Boer War raised per-
manent Battalion (3rd County
of London), of which Honorary
Colonel after three years, i. 230
The Battalion's work during the
Great War ; now known as the
23rd County of London Armoured
Car Companv (Sharpshooters), i.
230
Impersonations, 143-4
Inchiquin, Lord, ii. 73
Independent and Nation, ii. 7, 17, 142
Index Peak, i. 125
India, failure to visit, i. 166-7

Speeches and Articles upon, ii. 100-
102
India Council, ii. 5
Indians :

Sioux, i. 72, 98-9

Sneaking affection for, i. 93

Visit to the Crows, i. 93-5

Their preparation for long journeys

on foot, i. 95-6
Variance between white and red

races upon civilisation, i. 96
The happiest man on earth, i. 96-7,

195-6
The Micmacs, i. 150-53, 156-7, 160
" Stones walking out of the water,"

i.181
Their life compared with that of
Society, i. 195-6
Inyoni, ii. 178

Ireland (For references other than those
under this heading, see separate
references) :
The people :

native talent, i. 2 ; temperament,
i. 19 ; belief in fairies, i. 20 ;
characteristics, ii. 1-2
Opportunities missed by British
Government, i. 32, ii. 38, 39, 85, 193
Indescribably fascinating, ii. 1
A hard mistress, ii. 1, 2
England's failure to understand
root-causes of discontent, ii. 2,
85, 195-6, 199-200; Appendices
IV., V., VI.

232

INDEX

Ireland (continued) :

Failure to learn necessity of unity
in action, ii. 2, 14, 24, 39;
sacrifice of principle for preser-
vation of unity of party, ii. 23,
162-3; letter of regret in 1907,
ii. 40-41
"Self-determination" and "Selfish-
determination," ii. 61-3, 77 j 208
Summary of political events during

1922, and reflections, ii. 155-76
All-f or- Ireland Conciliation League :
Founded by Mr. O'Brien : its

policy, ii. 45-6
Opposition by " Board of Erin "

Hibernians (" The Mollies "),

ii. 46
Its work, ii. 47-8
Great meeting at Cork ; address

on " The Force of National

Sentiment," ii. 47-8
Articles of Agreement, ii. 213-19
Reception in Ireland, ii. 81
Subsequent events, ii. 82-90, 156-

175
Mr. de Valera's opposition, ii. 82
Statements by Mr. Griffith and

Mr. Collins, ii. 82
Text of speech in seconding the

Address, ii. 82-9
Proceedings in the Dail, ii. 89-90,

156, 158-9
Small majority passing, a griev-
ous disappointment, ii. 90-92,

156
Minority tactics, and substitu-
tion of military dictatorship

for constitutional government,

ii. 156
Difficulties of Provisional Govern-
ment :

their wisdom, discretion, and
ultimate firmness, ii. 156-60

their obliquity of vision, ii.
162
Relative positions of different

governing bodies, ii. 156-7
Complication of situation, ii.

157-8
Efforts to find compromise be-
tween parties, ii. 163-6
The Constitution : reception of,

by Republicans, ii. 167
Striking victories at Election, ii.

167-8
Speech by Winston Churchill, ii.

168
Statements and Proclamations

issued by Irish Government,

ii. 169, 171-3, 174-5
Letter to Dublin newspapers, ii.

174-5

Ireland (continued) :

Attack on Four Courts, Dublin,
and other hostilities, ii. 169-
170, 173

The future, reflections upon, ii.
176

Signatories, to, ii. 218
Dail Eireann. ii. 61, 81, 89-93, 156,
157, 158-9, 160, 163, 165,
171

Discussion upon proposed Treaty,
ii. 89-90, 156, 158-9

Presidents of, ii. 157

Efforts to find basis of agree-
ment, ii. 165

Oath of Allegiance under, ii.
213
Devolution :

Irish Reform Association, its
objects ; president of, ii. 25-6

Conversations with Chief Sec-
retary and Sir Antony Mac-
Donnell, ii. 26-7

Report of Association, ii. 27-8

Vehement attack by extreme
wings of Unionists and Nation-
alists, ii. 28-9

John Redmond's benediction, ii.
30

Chief Secretary's letter to Times,
ii. 30-31

Assistance by Sir Antony Mac-
Donnell in preparation of draft
scheme : Unionist outburst,
ii. 31-3, 190-92

Chief Secretary's statement in
the Commons, ii. 32

Speech in House of Lords in de-
fence of Sir Antony Mac-
Donnell, ii. 33 ; Lord Lans-
downe's defence, ii. 34

Origin of policy, and personal
responsibility for it, ii. 33-4

Debate in Commons — Chief Sec-
retary's and Mr. Balfour's
replies, ii. 35

Adjournment of House moved
by Redmond, ii. 35-6

Resignation of Chief Secretary :
statements by Mr. Balfour,
and subsequent statement by
Chief Secretary, ii. 36-8

Sir Antony MacDonnell's feel-
ings : Memorandum by him,
ii. 37-8, 186-92

Had George Wyndham's will
prevailed ! ii. 38

Pamphlet : " The Crisis in Ire-
land : Federal Union through
Devolution," ii. 68

Sir Antony MacDonnell upon the
" Dunraven Scheme," ii. 190

INDEX

233

Ireland (continued) :

Government of Ireland Bill of 1920 :
History of, ii. 63-9
Fatal errors : the keystone of
the arch — fiscal and financial
control — omitted from, ii. 68,
70, 193-4, 195, 197-9, 203-5 ;
" Swan-song " letter, 206-11
A fruitless duality, 193-5
Motion on second reading to
decline to proceed with, ii.
67-8, 69, 84-5, 202
Lord Midleton's amendment, ii.

68
Refutation of charge by Lord
Chancellor of changing mind,
ii. 68
Incredible ignorance of the
Government : no heed paid to
protestations and to moderate
opinion : urgent appeals, ii.
69, 193, 199-200, 202-5
Letters to the Times reiterating
warnings of failure, ii. 69-70,
193-211
Election of Senators in 1921 :
memorial to the Government,
ii. 72-3
Home Rule :

Bill of 1886 : asked by Lord Grey
to move rejection of, i. 189-
190
Bill of 1902, history of, ii. 48-51
Bill of 1914, ii. 195
Conference at Buckingham Pal-
ace, ii. 50
Irish Free Slate (Agreement) Bill :
Speech in Lords, ii. 161-2
Mr. Churchill's able handling, ii.

162
Articles of Agreement, text of,
ii. 213
Land Acts :

1903 (Mr. George Wyndham's) :
National Convention in Dublin,

ii. 20
Chairman of Landlords' Com-
mittee to watch passage of,
ii. 20-21
Crisis over " zones " : Mr.
Duke's Amendment, ii. 21-2
Lasting monument to spirit of
reconciliation and good feel-
ing, ii. 22, 39, 40
Its beneficent operations ended
by Mr. Birrell's Act, 1909, ii.
22, 41-2
Agitation against, led by Mr.
Sexton, Mr. Dillon, and Mr.
Davitt, ii. 22-3
Resignation of Mr. O'Brien, ii.
23-4

VOL. II

Ireland (continued) :
Land Acts (continued) :

1909 (Mr. Birrell's) :
Remarkable meeting at Cork

against, ii. 42-3
Letter to Press setting forth

objections, ii. 43-4
Nationalist support : Irish Par-
liamentary Party hypnotised
by the Government, ii. 44-5
Moved rejection in House of
Lords, ii. 45
Land Conference :

History of, ii. 3-16

Captain Shaw - Taylor's bold
appeal, ii. 4

Chief Secretary's letter in favour
of holding, ii. 5

Attitude of Landlords, Irish
Party, Lieutenants, Deputy-
Lieutenants, and County Coun-
cils and Local Bodies towards
proposed, ii. 7-10

Attitude of Roman Catholic
Hierarchy, ii. 7, 15 ; and
Landowners' Convention and,
ii. 8, 9-10

Addressed meeting at Limerick
in favour of, ii. 8, 9

Lord-Lieutenant's approval of,
proposed, ii. 10

Members of, ii. 11

Appointed Chairman, and pre-
pared draft Report, ii. 11-12

A crisis, and its cause, ii. 13-14

Unanimous Report — a great
triumph, ii. 14 ; its terms, ii.
179-85 ; its reception, ii. 15-19;
Chief Secretary's, Lord-Lieu-
tenant's and Sir Antony Mac-
Donnell's tributes, ii. 15-16 ;
Mr. Davitt's denunciation, ii.
17

Remarkable debate on Mr. Red-
mond's Amendment to Ad-
dress, ii. 19-20

Crisis over " zones " question,
in House of Commons, ii. 21-2

Origin of Devolution Scheme, ii.
33
MacDonnell, Sir Antony (now Lord),
ii. 5, 16, 18, 26-7, 31-8, 41

Appointed Under-Secretary, ii. 5

Tribute to Land Conference Re-
port, ii. 16

Conversations with, upon Irish
Reform Association's Pro-
gramme ; his assistance in
preparation of draft scheme ;
Unionist outburst, and subse-
quent debates in Lords and in
Commons, ii. 26-7, 31-8

2h

234

INDEX

Ireland (continued) :

Speech in House of Lords in de-
fence of ; also Lord Lans-
downe's defence, ii. 33-4

His acute feelings over imputa-
tions against him : Memo-
randum in full explanation, ii.
37-8, 186-92

Resolution at Peace Conference,
Dublin, moved by, ii. 203
Tobacco-growing :

Advocacy and encouragement of,
ii. 116-18

Experiments at Adare, ii. 118
War of 1914-1918 :

Indescribably foolish handling of
Ireland at outbreak of : its
results, ii. 51-3

" Open Letter " to fellow-
countrymen, ii. 52

Result of failure to apply
Military Service Act : speech
in Lords in favour of the
application, its result, ii. 52

Important part played by All-
Ireland : statistics, ii. 52-3

" What has happened to us all
since the War ? " ii. 147-9
Wyndham, George :

His most charming personality
and great gifts, i. 189

His Land Bill of 1902, ii. 3

Letter in support of proposed
Land Conference, ii. 5

Tribute to Conference's Report,
ii. 16

Letter of regret at Mr. O'Brien's
resignation and its cause :
tribute to him, ii. 24

His Land Act of 1903, ii. 20-22

Views upon Irish faction : his
grief and deep disappointment,
ii. 24-5

A high-souled Chief Secretary,
ii. 25, 38

Conversations with, upon De-
volution proposals, ii. 26-7

Views upon Irish Reform Associa-
tion's Report, ii. 30-31, 33 ;
statements in House of Com-
mons, ii. 35

His resignation of the Chief
Secretaryship, ii. 36

Had his real will prevailed ? ii. 36

Sir Anthony (now Lord) Mac-
Donnell's statement of his
relations and work with, ii.
186-92
Irex, i. 38

Irish Archaeological Society, i. 4
Irish Free State (Agreement) Bill (see

" Ireland ")

Irish Land Stock, ii. 40

Irish Protestant Tenantry Society, i.
29

Irish Reform Association (see " De-
volution ")

Irish Regiments, losses in the Great
War, ii. 54
Tragedy of disbandment of, ii. 150,
237

Irish Times, ii. 6, 15

Irish Unionist Alliance, ii. 29

Irish Volunteers, ii. 51

Irving, i. 203

Isnagas, the, i. 197

Isolde, i. 57, ii. 178

Iveagh, Lord, i. 40

James of Hereford, Lord, shooting

with, i. 174
James River, i. 66
Jameson, Mr. Andrew, ii. 79
Jameson, Mr. and Mrs. Willie, i. 38
Jameson, Dr. Jim (Sir Starr), i. 191,

229
Jennings, Louis, i. 179-80, ii. 95, 131-

132, 133
Jeromes, the, i. 197
Jerusalem, visit to, i. 166
" Joy " trip to French Battlefields, i.

257
Jullanar, ii. 177

Kaiser, the :

His yacht Meteor, i. 39, 61-2

King's Cup given to avoid trouble
between him and R.Y.S., i. 60-62

Failure to bring to justice, ii. 148
Kandahar, ii. 101-2
Kansas City, i. 69
Karlsbad, i. 231
Karlsruhe, i. 219
Kars, ii. 100

Kavanagh, Mr. W. M., ii. 73
Keewanan, i. 156
Kemmel, i. 258
Kemp, Dixon, i. 56
Kenmare, Lord, ii. 73
Kenmare Bay, i. 27, ii. 26, 175
Kenry House, i. 232 n.
Keogh, Sir Alfred, i. 238, 257
Kersey, Major Maitland, i. 49
Kilkenny, ii. 71
Kimberley, Earl of, ii. 113-14
King, Clarence, i. 182
King George the Fifth :

Epoch-making speech at Belfast,
ii. 85-6

Oath of Allegiance under Treaty,
ii. 213-14
King's Cups, Cariad victories, i. 39, 60

Relinquished one to the Kaiser, i.
60-62

INDEX

235

" Kingdom " of Ireland, the, ii. 65,

70, 193, 19G
Kingsley, Dr., i. 99, 108-9, 141
Kingston, Beatty, i. 221, 223
Kinloch-Cooke,Mr.(now Sir Clement),

ii. 105
Kitchener, Lord, i. 177, 232
Knights of St. John, i. 245
Knights Templar, i. 173
Knightsbridge Barracks, i. 207
Knowles (Nineteenth Century), i. 182
Knutsford, Lord, ii. 103, 111
Kreinzellebeke, i. 238

La Bassee, i. 258

La Ferrier, interview with Bismarck

at, i. 219
La Panne, i. 241
Labouchere, Henry, i. 182, 223
Labourers,' Acts, ii. 182
Lake George, i. 66
Lamorna, i. 40
Land Acts (see " Ireland ")
Land Conference (see " Ireland ")
Land League, i. 24
Land Trust, Irish, ii. 4
Landowners' Convention (see " Land

Conference")
Langrishe, Sir Hercules ("Herky"),

i. 50
Langtry, Mrs., i. 205
Lansdowne, Lord, ii. 49, 50, 51, 57,

126, 127
Lansdowne House, i. 198, 231
Lansdowne - Cambon Convention,

ii. 115
Law, Mr. Bonar, ii. 50, 57
Lawley, Frank, i. 183, 222
Lawson, Edward (Lord Burnham), i.

179, 211, ii. 96
Laycock, Joe, and his yacht Val-
halla, i. 47-8
Le Sage, Sir John, i. 222-3
" Le Tigre," i. 259
League of Nations, ii. 62
Leconfield, Lord, i. 208
Leghorn, i. 245, 247, 249
Leinster, Duchess of, i. 204
Lemnos, i. 242, 243, 248
Lennox, Lord and Lady Algy, i. 194,

240
Lens, i. 257
Leslie, Mrs. Leoni (now Lady), i.

203
VEsperance, sold to Prince Henry of

Prussia, i. 41
Levy, Edward (see * 'Lawson , Edward' ' )
" Liberty Loan " (American), ii. 63
Life Guards, career in, i. 23, 207-10,

ii. 98, 212
Light of Asia, The, i. 183
Lille, i. 257

VOL. II

Limerick, i. 31-2, ii. 52, 175, 212

Name struck off Roll of Freemen

because of Speech in Lords

during Great War, ii. 52

Limerick, Bishop of (Dr. Graves), i. 28

Limerick, Bishop of (Dr. O'Dwyer), i.

28, 31-2
Limerick, meeting upon financial
relations between Great Britain
and Ireland, i. 31-2
Limpus, Sir Arthur and Lady, i. 244-5
Lincoln, Abraham, ii. 164
Lipton, Sir Thomas, i. 63, 242, 248
Lisbon, Vasco da Gama, tercentenary
celebration : CariaoVs victory, i . 60
Lister, Cunliffe (Lord Masham), ii. 131
" Little Lady, The," i. 243
Lloyd, Clifford, i. 26
Lobb, Vice-Consul, i. 251
Locomotion, reflections upon changes

in, i. 6-7
" Loiton, Viscount," i. 29
Lomond, i. 171

London School of Economics, ii. 145
London Season in past years, i. 193-4,

198
London Stock Exchange, i. 49
Londonderry, ii. 50
Londonderry, Lady, i. 192
Londonderry, Lord, i. 192, ii. 29, 41
Long's Hotel, i. 186, 187
Lonsdale, Lord, i. 58
Lord Chancellor, the, i. 190, ii. 68, 76,
81, 83, 190, 195, 206, 207, 210,
218
Lord-in-waiting, offered position, by

Lord Granville, ii. 95
Lord-Lieutenant, i. 25, 27, 207, ii. 10,
13, 15, 16, 26, 31, 34, 35, 37, 56,
57, 73, 203, 206
Lord Carlisle, i. 27
Lord FitzAlan, i. 27, ii. 73
Earl Spencer (" The Red Earl "), i.

25
Lord Kimberley, i. 207
Lords, House of :

Veto a burning issue in 1909 : Irish
Parliamentary Party hypnotised
by Government, ii. 44
Readiness to give way to public

opinion, ii. 44
Attitude towards Home Rule Bill

of 1912, ii. 50-52
First Speech in : Lord Beacons-
field's tribute, ii. 96-7
A great institution, ii. 123
Hereditary right to legislate an

anachronism, ii. 123
Introduced Bill in 1888 for reform

of, ii. 123
Member of Select Committee of
1907, ii. 124

2H2

236

INDEX

Lords, House of (continued) :

And Finance Bill of 1909, ii. 44,

124-5
Article in Nineteenth Century, ii.

125-6
Lord Rosebery's Resolutions, ii.

126-7
Veto Resolution and Parliament

Act, ii. 127-8
Lord Bryce's Conference and Re-
port, ii. 128-9, 221-2
Urgency of reform, ii. 129
Loreburn, Lord, i. 190, ii. 128-9
Lough Swilly, ii. 219
Lowe, Bob (Lord Sherbrooke), i. 189
Lowther, Lancelot, i. 239
Lubbock, Neville (Sir), ii. 130
Lucy, Sir Henry (" Toby "), i. 180-81
Lumley, Augustus, i. 183
Luna, ii. 178
Lunacy (Squadron) Bill: a skit, i.

53-6
Lyons, Gulf of, i. 246

McCarthy, Justin, i. 190

Macclesfield, ii. 133

Macdonald, Sir John, the "Father"

of Canada, i. 72, 163
MacDonnell, Sir Antony (now Lord),

(sec " Ireland ")
Macdonogh, General Sir G. M. W., i.

237
Machell, Captain, i. 168-9, 186, 208
Lived much with him at New-
market in early days, i. 168
A curiously composite character, i.

168
His bid for fortune, i. 168, 169
" Machine," the, ii. 40
Mackenzie, Morel, i. 185
McPherson, Fort, i. 72
MacSwiney, Mrs., ii. 167
Madison Mountains, i. Ill
Madison River, i. 137
" Madonna and Child " (del Sarto's),

i. 249
Mafeking, i. 229

Magdala, bombardment of, i. 213-15
Mahon, Sir Bryan, i. 246, 258, ii. 73
Malcolm, Ian (now Sir), i. 203
Malia, Cape, i. 246
Mallock, W., i. 185
Malo, i. 240
Malta, i. 166, 238, 239, 242, 244, 245,

246, 247, 248
Mammoth Hot Springs, i. 110, 127,

129-30
Manchester, ii. 102
Manchester, Duchess of (Consuelo), i.

194, 204
" Manchester School," i. 17, ii. 105
Marandellas, i. 229

Marlborough Club, ii. 116
Marriage with deceased wife's sister :
Introduced Bill in 1896, ii. 115
Support of King Edward when

Prince of Wales : letter from,

ii. 116
Marsham, Earl of Romney, i. 35
Martial Law, ii. 71
Martin, Bob, i. 185
Masham, Lord, ii. 131
" Mate, The," i. 168
Matoppo Hills, i. 191
Mauretania, i. 245
Mayfair, i. 197
Mayo, ii. 39

Mayo, Earl of, ii. 8, 9, 10, 11, 73, 185
Mazarin, Cardinal, i. 203
Meath, Earl of, ii. 9
Mediterranean, in winter and in

summer, i. 250
Melville, Whyte, i. 106
Menelek, i. 216
Menin, i. 258
Mensdorff, talk with, shortly before

the Great War, i. 231
Merewether, Colonel, i. 211, 217
" Merrie England," ii. 149
Mesopotamia, i. 256
Meteor (formerly Thistle), i. 39-40, 61
Methuen, Lady, i. 244
Methuen, Lord, i. 244, 252
Methuen & Co., ii. 177
Metz, surrender of, i. 222
Micmacs, the, i. 151-3, 156-7
Midleton, Lord, ii. 68, 73, 79, 202, 211
Milesians, i. 20
Milner, Lord, i. 190
Milnes, Monckton, i. 178
Mines, Submarine, i. 217, 236-7, 248
Moir, Captain, i. 253, 255
" Mollies, the," ii. 46
" Molly Maguire," ii. 46
Molly Morgan, ii. 170
Monaghan, regrettable incident, ii.

158
Monks of the West, i. 4, ii. 94
Mons, i. 234, 235, 237
Monsell, William (Lord Emly), i. 4
Montalembert, i. 4, ii. 94
Monteagle, Lord : his objections to

" Dominion status " Bill, ii. 65, 66
Montgomery, Alfred, i. 193
Montrose, Duchess of (Caroline), i.

192
Moose-calling, the art of, i. 157-9
Moose-hunting, i. 86-7, 157-60
Morley, Mr. (now Earl), ii. 19, 82
Mount Stewart, i. 192
Mount Vernon Hotel, Cape Town, i.

230
" Mountain Jim," i. 140
Mountain sheep, i. 131-8

INDEX

237

Mountstephen, Lord, i. 71

Mr. Isaacs, i. 182

" Mr. Manton," i. 192

Mud Springs, i. Ill, 114-23

Mudros Bay, i. 242, 243, 244, 245,

246, 247
" Muffin, The," i. 146-7, 150
Mulcahy, Mr., ii. 165, 175
Mules, i. 102

Munster Fusiliers, i. 232, 236, 237-8
Muntz, Mr. P. A., ii. 130
Murphy, Mr. W. M., ii. 60
Museums, opening of, on Sundays, ii.

115
Music, early love for, i. 33

Napier, General Sir Robert (Lord
Napier), and Abyssinian War, i.
211 212
Naples, i. 165, 166, 249
" National Coalition Panel," ii. 166,

167
National Directory, ii. 22
Navigation, The Practice and Theory

of, i. 62
Navy, in the Great War, i. 255
Nebraska, i. 72, 75, 144
Needham, Charlie, i. 210, 238
Neiderhausen, i. 8
Nevill, Lady Dorothy, i. 193
New Lebanon, i. 225
New Orleans, i. 67
New Republic, The, i. 185
New York :

Fifty years ago, i. 67-8

Met there laziest man ever met, i.

69
Stock Exchange, and America Cup,

i. 49
Laurence Oliphant in, i. 224-5
New York Times, i. 179, ii. 95
Newfoundland, i. 145, 150-56
Cariboo hunting in, i. 150
The Micmacs, i. 151-3
Climate of, i. 153
Spearing fish, 153-5
Government policy cause of re-
signation of Colonial Under-
Secretary ship, ii. 103, 109-10
History of Fishing Rights dispute,
ii. 113-15 : presented petition
to Lords from Legislature of, ii.
111-14
Newmarket, i. 168, 170
Newport (Rhode Island), i. 68
Newport, Staff- Surgeon, i. 254
Niagara, i. 58, ii. 177, 178
Nicholson, Mr., ii. 178
Night Clubs, i. 200
Night restaurants fifty years ago, i.

200
Nineteenth Century, i. 182, ii. 125

No Man Fort, i. 39
" No Rent " Manifestoes, i. 23-4
Noah, i. 53
North, Lord, i. 210
Northcote, Stafford, i. 189
Nova Scotia, i. 156-163, 181
Moose-hunting in, i. 157, 163
Trouble over game licence, i. 160-

62
Cariboo hunting in, i. 159-60,

162-3
" Stones walking out of the water,"
i. 181

O'Brien, William, ii. 3, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12,

20, 23-4, 42, 45-7, 48, 56, 58,

190, 191
Views upon Land Bill of 1902,

ii. 3
Member of Land Conference of

1903, ii. 5, 6, 191 ; a Draft Report

by, ii. 12
His regrettable resignation in 1903 :

John Redmond's and the Chief

Secretary's views upon, ii. 23-4
Renewed efforts for brotherhood

and reconciliation among all

Irishmen : work of All - for-

Ireland-League : opposition by

Board of Erin Hibernians, ii.

45-7
His resignation in 1918, ii. 48
O'Conor Don, the, ii. 5, 15
O'Dwyer, Bishop (of Limerick), i. 28,

31-2
Oliphant, Laurence, i. 223, 224-5
Omohondro, John (" Texas Jack "),

i. 73-5, 78-9, 89, 91-2, 130-31,

138-9
Oneida Creek, i. 225
Oranmore and Browne, Lord, ii. 73
Oratory, and persuasive speaking,

i. 190
Ormonde, Marquis of, i. 61
Osborne, command to : comically

distressing plight, i. 49-50
Osborne, Bernal, i. 178
Osborne Hospital, i. 239, 252, ii. 58
Oscott, Roman Catholic College, i. 9
Ovis montana, 131-8
Oxford, i. 9, ii. 98

Pageants, ii. 149-50
Paget, Alfred, i. 183
Paget, Lady (Minnie), i. 203
Palermo, i. 245
Palestine, i. 165, 166, 230
Pall Mall Restaurant, i. 184
Pallisser, John, i. 206
Palmerston, Lady, i. 191
Palmerston, Lord, friendship with
him, ii. 94

238

INDEX

Paris, i. 204, 222-3, 22G, 258-9, ii. C2

Paris, Treaty of, ii. 110

Parke, Col. R. K., i. 227

Parnell, Mr., ii. 13, 162

Passchendaele, i. 258

Payne, Arthur, i. 57

Payne, George, i. 168

Payne-Gallwey (Madame de Bonval),
i. 8

Peace Conference, Dublin, ii. 203

Pellegrini, i. 183

Penarth, ii. 138

Pender, Sir James, i. 40

Peterborough, Bishop of, i. 190

Petrie, Dr., i. 28

Petronilla, i. 38-9

Peyton, Algy, i. 210

Phaleron Bay, i. 245

Phayre, Colonel, i. 212, 213

Phillips, Lionel, i. 226

" Piccadilly Butchers," i. 209

Picnics, dislike of British, i. 147

Pictou, i. 155

Pierrots and pierrettes, one of party
at Albert Hall Ball, i. 203

Pilot Peak, i. 125

Pisa, appeal to imagination ; com-
parison with Rome, i. 249-50

Pius IX., Pope, i. 8

Platte River, the, i. 76

Plunkett, Sir Horace, i. 226

Plymouth, Lady, i. 205

Poe, Admiral, i. 238

Poe, Sir Hutcheson, i. 238

Poperinghe, i. 258

Pope's Villa, i. 182

Porthcawl, i. 191

Potato :

Eating of raw, i. 70-71

Potsdam, i. 279

Powerscourt, Viscount, ii. 9, 73

" Priest in politics," the, i. 21

Primrose Commission, ii. 198

Princess of Wales, H.R.H., i. 205

Protection (see " Fair Trade ")

Provisional Government (see " Ire-
land ")

Prussia, King of, ii. 89

Prussia, Prince Henry of, relations
with, i. 41-2

Prussian officers, arrogance in Franco-
German War, i. 220

Psychic research, i. 10-16

Punch, i. 181

Quebec :

A fancy dress ball in, i. 146
M The Muffin," i. 146-7, 150
Gaspe Peninsula, favourite hunting-
ground, i. 147-8
Riviere du Loup, i. 148
Cariboo hunting in, i. 148, 149-50

Queen Victoria, i. 50
Queen's Cups :

Valkyrie's victories, i. 60-61

"Skit" upon, i. 53
Queenstown, i. 170, ii. 219

Racing :

With Captain Machell at New-
market, i. 168
Luminaries of the Turf, i. 168
As a business, and as a pastime, i.

168-9
UAbbesse de Jouarre, her successes,

i. 169
Won the Oaks in 1889, i. 169;

Cambridgeshire in 1893, i. 169
Desmond: best performance, Coven-
try Stakes, i. 169 ; his successful

stud career, i. 170-71
Molly Morgan, i. 170
Lomond, i. 171
Horses mentioned, i. 168-71 :

L'Abbesse de Jouarre

Aboyeur

Ayn Hali

Bacchus

Cellini

Charles O'Malley

Combine

Craganour

Desmond

Earla Mor

Eventail

Fairy King

Festa

Hainault

Hapsburg

Hermit

Isinglass

Kirkham

Kirkland

Knockfeerna

Land League

Lomond

Molly Morgan

St. Simon

Sir Archibald

Saxham

Stornoway

The White Knight
Radinghem, i. 257
Raleigh, Sir Walter, ii. 117
Ranksborough, i. 186
Raphoe, Bishop of, ii. 60
Rathdonnell, Lord, ii. 73
Rebellion of 1916, ii. 56-7, 170
Red Cross, the (see " Wars ")
" Red Earl, The," i. 25
" Red Men, The " (see " Indians ")
" Red Prince, The," i. 222
Redesdale, Lord, i. 179
Redistribution Bill, ii. 143

INDEX

239

Redmond, John, i. 199, ii. 5, 6, 7, 11,
12, 18, 20, 23, 50, 51, 56, 57, 58,
60, 185
Attitude towards Land Confer-
ence, ii. 6, 7, 11, 17-18 ; amend-
ment in House of Commons to
Address, ii. 19
Attitude to Mr. Duke's " Zones "
amendment to Land Bill of 1903,
ii. 21-2
Regret at Mr. O'Brien's resignation,

ii. 23
His error at the Irish Convention in

1918, ii. 23
Advocacy of tobacco-growing in
Ireland, ii. 118

Reid, Bob (Lord Loreburn), i. 190

Reid, Captain Mayne, i. 76

Relativity, law of, i. 195

Renown, the, i. 253

Resurrection of Hungary, The, Mr.
Arthur Griffith and, ii. 55

Rhode Island (America), i. 68

Rhodes, Cecil, i. 191,229

Rhodes, Island of, i. 165

" Ribbonmen," the, ii. 46

Rickard, Colonel, i. 238

Ridgway, Sir West, ii. 29

Ritchie, Mr., ii. 140, 141

Ritz, the, Paris, i. 258

Riviera, the, i. 246

Roberts, Lord, i. 178

Robertson, Sir William, i. 178

Rceux, i. 257

Roman Catholicism :

Father's school of thought, i. 4
Early experiences, and their effect,

i. 8-10
The " priest in politics," i. 21
Hierarchy's attitude towards Land
Conference, ii. 7

Romance of Two Worlds, i. 192

Rome, boyhood stay in, i. 165
Impressions of, i. 165-6, 249, 250

Romer, Colonel Frank, i. 242, 243,
244, 245

Romney, Earl of, yachting with, i.
35

Ronalds, Mrs., i. 193

Rosebery, Lord, ii. 95, 124, 126

Rosslyn, Lord, i. 185

Rouen, i. 238

Rous, Admiral, i. 168

Rowton, Lord, ii. 97

Runcorn, ii. 138

Royal Cork Yacht Club, i. 34

Royal Geographical Society, i. 59

Royal Yacht Squadron, i. 52, 56, 60-62

Russell, Billy, i. 184, 221, 223-4

Russell, Lord John, i. 188

Russell, Odo, i. 221

Russell, T. W., ii. 5, 6, 11, 185

Russia, ii. 96, 99-101
Ryan, Major, i. 238

St. Albans, Lord, ii. 116

St. Antonio, i. 244

St. Columba, i. 4

St. Columba College, i. 4

St. Germain, dances at, during
Franco-German War, i. 221

St. John's (Newfoundland), i. 155

St. Moritz, mountain-climbing and
chamois-hunting, i. 163-4

St. Nazaire, i. 233, 234-5

St. Patrick's Day, distribution of
shamrock (from Adare) among
Munster Fusiliers, i. 237

" Saints, The," i. 236

Sala, George Augustus, i. 184

Salisbury, Lord :

His characteristics, i. 188
Interview with, ii. 102
Governorship of Cape offered by,

ii. 104
Attitude towards (1) Reform of
Lords Bill, 1888, ii. 124 ; (2)
depression of Trade and In-
dustry Motion, ii. 130 ; (3)
Imperial Trade, ii. 137

Salisbury (S. Africa), i. 229

Salmon, spearing of, i. 153-4
propagation of, ii. 120

Salonika, i. 242, 246

Salt Lake City, i. 89

" Sam," chow dog ; propensities for
pursuing sheep, i. 231

San Francisco, i. 69

San Johann, i. 174

Sandy Creek, i. 77

Sandy Hook, i. 49

Santa Barbara, i. 69

Saorstat, the, ii. 160

Sarrail, General, i. 245

Satanita :

Collision with Valkyrie II., i. v, 46

Saunderson, Colonel, i. 28, 226, ii. 5, 6

Savage Club, i. 184

Scandinavia, ii. 9

Scanlan, Mr., ii. 129

Scottish Society of Literature and
Art, Address to, ii. 151

Sea, the, i. 32-64

The master-passion, i. 33, 62
Daughters played with boats in-
stead of dolls, i. 33
Passed for master's and extra-
master's certificates, i. 62
Lady Londonderry devoted to, i.
192

Sedan, i. 219

Seton-Karr, Sir Henry, i. 226

Sexton, Mr., ii. 22

Shakers, the, i. 225

240

INDEX

Shamrock, consignment from Adare

during war, i. 237-8
Sharpshooters, i. 226-7, 230
Shawe-Taylor, Captain, and his appeal
for a Land Conference, ii. 4-6, 9,
12
Sheba, Queen of, i. 216
Sheridan, General, i. 72, 88
Shields, Dr., i. 234
Shooting :

Early devotion to, i. 33
General views upon, i. 87
Rabbit-shooting, the cause of giving

up, i. 174
Pigeon-shooting from traps abomi-
nated, i. 174
(see also "America" for big-game-
shooting)
Shyness, an inhibitive disease, ii. 153
Sicily, i. 166, 247
" Sidhe," i. 20
Silver Island, i. 71, 156
Singleton, Mrs., i. 192
Sinn Fein :

History of, ii. 53, 54-6, 156
Operation of courts, ii. 176, 202
Sioux Indians, i. 72, 98-9
Sister Agnes Hospital, i. 235
Sixteenth Division, ii. 58
" Skipper, The," i. 208
" Skittles," i. 200
Slema, i. 248
Sligo, Marquis of, ii. 73
Sloane-Stanley, i. 166
Sloggett, Sir Arthur, i. 238
Slumming ladies, i. 202
Smith, Donald A. (Lord Strathcona),

i. 71
Smith, Major Heckstall, i. 40, 57, 58-9,

ii. 177
Smith-Barry, Arthur (Lord Barry-
more), ii. 6
Smuts, General, ii. 79
Sneem, ii. 26
Sneyd, Mrs. Ralph, i. 205
Society :

Dublin sixty years ago, i. 27-8

With the big S., i. 196-8

The London season of the good old

days, i. 193, 198
Ascot, i. 193-4
May fair, i. 194
Comparison of life with that of a

half-breed or Indian, i. 195-6
Causes of disintegration in the

eighties, i. 196
Distorted view (in some respects)

of human life by Press, i. 197
Luxury and extravagance before

the war, i. 197
Drinking in later Victorian and
early Edwardian days, i. 197

Society (continued) :

Passing of the old order, i. 194, 198-

205
Changed views on social subjects,

i. 201-2
Voluminous exterior garments of
exalted personages of the female
sex sixty years ago, i. 209-10
Its kindness and indulgence, ii. 150
Solent, cruises about, i. 251
Somme, ii. 58
" Souls, The," i. 193
South Wales Tariff Reform Federa-
tion, ii. 141
Southampton, i. 235, 239, 255
Southborough, Lord, ii. 59
Soveral, Marquess de, i. 185
Spencer, Earl, i. 25
Spiritualism :

First experiences ; seances with

D. D. Home, i. 10-13
Records of phenomena, i. 11
Reasons for abandonment of active

interest fifty years ago, i. 11
Physical manifestations — their
motive power, and how exer-
cised, i. 12-14
Survival of intelligent personality

after physical death, i. 16
Not a religion, nor a philosophy, i.

15
Subject for serious examination by

the Churches, i. 16
Judge Edmonds and his faith in, i.

65
Laurence Oliphant and, i. 225-6
Stafford, Mr. Thomas, ii. 73
Stafford House Ball, i. 198
Stanford, Sir Charles Villiers, i. 28
Statesmen, recollections of, i. 187-91
Staveley, General Sir Charles, i. 211
Stead, William, i. 181
Steeplechasing, experiences, i. 208
Stephanie, ii. 178
Stirling, i. 91-2
Stock Exchange, i. 49
Stockport, ii. 131, 133, 138
Stokes, Dr., i. 28
Stokes, Miss Margaret, i. 4, ii. 94
Stracey, General Henry, i. 185
Straits, the, ii. 100
Strasburg, i. 219
Strathcona, Lord, i. 71
Stratheden and Campbell, Lord, ii. 96
Submarines, i. 237, 247
Suez Canal, ii. 100
Suffolk, Earl of, i. 168
Sullivan, Sir Arthur, i. 183-4
Sunset and sunrises :

Preference for sunrises, i. 89-90;
startling beauty of a stormy
American sunset, i. 106-7

INDEX

241

Superior, Lake, i. 71
Swansea, ii. 138

"Swan-song" letter to Times, ii. 76,
208-11 ; Times article upon, ii. 211
Sweated Industries :

Motion for appointment of Select

Committee, ii. 105
Chairman of Committee : its work,

i. 151, ii. 105-9
Attitude of Committee towards
Draft Report : consequent re-
signation of Chairmanship, ii.
107-9
Sweitzer, General, and Mrs., i. 92, 138
Swinford :

Mr. Dillon's speech, ii. 23
Sydenham, Lord, ii. 129
Sykes, Mr. and Mrs. A. H., ii. 133
Syracuse, i. 245, 249, 251
Syria, ii. 101

Taaffe, George, ii. 9

Talbot, Reggie, i. 210

Talbot-Crosbie, Lindsay, ii. 4, 8, 25

Taormina, i. 249

Tariff Reform {see " Fair Trade ")

Tariff Reform League, ii. 145

Teetotalism, disadvantage of : amus-
ing incident, i. 99-100 ; possible
to get drunk on tea, i. 148-9

Tennis, real, finest game in the world,
i. 176

" Texas Jack," i. 73-5, 78-9, 89, 91-2,
130-31, 138-9

Thellusson, Percy, i. 246

Theodore, King of Abyssinia, and the
Abyssinian War, i. 211-17

Thirty-sixth Northern Division, ii. 58

Thistle, subsequently Meteor, i. 39-40,
61

Thompson, Sir Henry, i. 181

Thomson, Sir Courtauld, i. 239

Tichborne case :

Examination of reputed Tichborne,
i. 187

Tillett, Ben, i. 191

Times, the, i. 179, 211, ii. 8, 29, 30,
31, 33, 62, 66, 69, 191, 192, 193,
196, 206 ; its clear vision of the
Irish question, ii. 62

" Tinted Venus," i. 165

Tobacco-growing {see " Ireland ")

Todd, Dr., i. 28

Torpedoing hospital ships, i. 252

Tosti, Paolo, i. 183

Tower Creek, i. 110-11

Tower Falls, i. 124

Tractarian movement, effect on
father and uncle, i. 5, 6

Trail Creek, i. 137

Trawling, capture of six-gillcd shark,
i. 175

Tuatha de Dananns, i. 20
Tunis, i. 166

Turf, the {see u. Racing ")
Turkey, ii. 96

" Tweed," collie-dog, i. 150
" Twilight," i. 102, 103
Tyndall, i. 191

Tyrwhitt, Admiral Sir R., i. 252, 253,
254

Ulster, and self-government for Ire-
land, ii. 48-50, 57, 58, 72, 194-5,
198-9
and the Great War, ii. 53-4
and Boundary Commission, ii. 157

Ulster Liberal Unionist Association,
ii. 29

Union between Great Britain and
Ireland, the :
Misstatements about, i. 2-3
Northern Orangemen and, i. 3

United Irish League, ii. 3, 4, 10, 17,
18-19, 22-3, 46

United Irish League of America, ii. 30

United Irishman, The, ii. 55

United States of America {see
" America ")

University Education, ii. 40, 41, 188

Utah, i. 89

Utrecht, Treaty of, ii. 110

V.A.D.'s in Great War, i. 232, 237,
242, 245, 259

Valdora, i. 40
Valentia, i. 27

" Valentine " Letters, ii. 144
Valetta, i. 248
Valhalla, i. 47-8, 167
Valkyrie I., i. 34-5, 42-3
Sold to Archduke Karl Stephen of
Austria, i. 43
Valkyrie II. :
Her race against the Britannia, i.

43-4
Sunk by Satanita, i. vi, 46
Her attempt for the America Cup,
i. 45-6
Valkyrie III. :
Attempt for the America Cup, i.

48-9, 179
Protest by the Kaiser, i. 61-2
Vanity Fair, i. 183
Vasco da Gama Cup, won by Cariad

I., i. 59-60
Vaughan, Kate, i. 192
Vauxhall Restaurant, i. 200
Venizelos, i. 245, 260
Verey's, i. 187

Versallies, life in, during Franco-
German War, i. 220-21
Saw peace signed at, in 1871 and in
1918, i. 225, ii. 89

242

INDEX

Victoria, Her Majesty Queen, i. 50

Vimy Ridge, i. 257

Vineta, ii. 178

Violin, early proficiency in, i. 33

Virginia, ii. 117

Virginia City, i. 89, 90-91, 138

Virginian, The, i. 74

Von der Tann, i. 222

Wages in Public Houses Act, Pre-
vention of Payment of, ii. 107
Waldegrave, Lady, i. 191
Wales, H.R.H. Princess of, i. 205
Wallace, Alfred, i. 191
Walpole, Spencer, i. 209
WTalter, John, i. 178
Wapiti, stalking of, i. 77-9, 103-6
Running, i. 79-86
Roaring of, i. 103
Killing of largest, i. 104
Mountain stalking, i. 105
War Council (Ireland), ii. 157, 178
Ward, Mrs. Cyril, i. 234
Ward, Sam, i. 182, ii. 95
Warner Lightship, i. 60-61, 139
Wars :

Abyssinian War, i. 167, 184, 211-
218
Appointed Special Correspondent

of Daily Telegraph, i. 211
Interpreter to Colonel Phayre ;
pleasant relations with him, i.
212
Barley bread and tough goat-flesh

diet, i. 212
A marvellous expedition, i. 213
Confiscation of loot by the-

powers-that-be, i. 215
The Expeditionary Force's march

to the coast, i. 215
Sir Robert Napier's work, i. 215
Severe wigging from Sir Robert, i.

216
Axum legend, i. 216
Coins brought away from, de-
posited with British Museum,
i. 216
Impressions of the country and
the people, i. 216
Boer War, i. 226-30

Made Milner's acquaintance at

Cape Town, i. 190
Chairman of Committee for

raising Sharpshooters, i. 226
Offered second -in -command of
18th Battalion Imperial Yeo-
manry, i. 226
Battalion's journey to South

Africa, i. 227-8
Invalided home, i. 190, 229 ; no
complete recovery of health
since, ii. 152

Wars (continued) :

Franco-German War, i. 184, 218-26

Appointed correspondent of Daily
Telegraph, i. 218

Interview with the Crown Prin-
cess, i. 219

Remained with Crown Prince for
greater part of campaign, i. 219

Sent across frontier by Bismarck,
i. 219

Interview with Bismarck, i. 219

Temptation to loot resisted, i.
219-20

Life at Versailles, i. 220-21

Arrogance of Prussian officers, i.
220

Comical episodes during, i. 221-2

Surrender of Paris, i. 222-3

Other correspondents, i. 223-5

Saw peace signed at Versailles, i.
225

The Commune, i. 226
The Great War, i. 230-60

Assertion of amateurs in, both on
land and at sea, i. 59, 256

Luxury and extravagance before,
i. 197

Alarms of war during stay at
Buxton in July 1914, i. 230-31

Lady Dudley's request for yacht ;
chartering of Greta, accepted as
hospital, i. 231-2

V.A.D.'s on Greta and Grianaig,
their splendid work, i. 237, 241 ,
245, 259

The incomparable Expeditionary
Force, i. 232

Received Lieutenant's Commis-
sion R.N.R., i. 232

Trouble over omission concerning
identity discs, i. 233

Bought Grianaig from Duchess of
Westminster, fitted her out as
hospital ship ; appropriated by
Admiralty as hospital trans-
port carrier ; paid all expenses,
i. 233, 235

Grianaig' s work, i. 233 et seq.

By chance brought home son-
in-law (Lord Ardee) among
wounded, i. 238

Women's work during, i. 232,
234-6, 240

Shamrock from Adare forMunster
Fusiliers, i. 237-8

Boulogne a wonderful place, i. 241

Ordered to take hospital neces-
saries to .Salonika : experiences
in Mudros Bay, i. 243-4

Impressions of Malta, i. 244

Submarines and mines, i. 237,
247-8

INDEX

243

Wars (continued) :

The Great War (continued) :

Torpedoing hospital ships, i. 252
Impressions : the Navy and its
auxiliaries an everywhere ever-
present force ; the resilience of
the Empire ; the work of the
Fishing Fleet ; the super-excel-
lence of the Medical, Commis-
sariat, and Transport Services,
i. 255-7
" Joy " trip to the Front, Nov-
ember 1918, i. 257-8
Paris after the Armistice, i. 258
Present at signing of Peace,

June 28, 1919, i. 258-9
Zeebrugge, astounding fact in

military annals, i. 259-60
Ireland and, ii. 51-3
Warwick, Lady, i. 204
Washburne, Mount, i. Ill, 124
Waterford, ii. 71, 175
Watering-places and " cures," i. 231
Waterwitch, i. 39
Watson, George, i. 35, 48, ii. 178
" Wearing of the Green, The," i. 26
" Well of Tibi," i. 144
Wellington's Riding School, Duke of :
Meeting on Afghan Question, ii. 102
Wemyss, Earl of, ii. 102
Wemyss, Admiral Sir Rosslyn, i. 244
Wentworth, Mr. Bruce Vernon, i. 226
Westminster, Duchess of, i. 235, 240
Westminster Palace Hotel, meeting
of Landowners' Convention, ii. 21
Wexford, ii. 71
Wheeler, Mrs., i. 204
Whisky :

Amusing incidents, i. 99-100, 108-9,
130-31
Whistler, Jimmy, i. 182
White Heather, i. 39
White way, Sir William, ii. 112-13
Wicklow, Earl of, ii. 73
Wilberforce, Archdeacon, i. 238
Wilberforce, Colonel, i. 238
Wilde, Oscar, i. 182, 195
Wilkinson, Peter, i. 186
Williams, Hwfa and Mrs. Hwfa, i. 185
Williams, John, i. 156, 160
Williams of Long's Hotel, i. 187
Willis's, i. 187
Willoughby, i. 210, 229-30
Wilson, President, ii. 63
Wimborne, Lord, resignation after
Irish Rebellion in 1916, ii. 56
His return, ii. 57
Wimereux, i. 236
Windsor, i. 194, 207-8
Windsor, the, i. 34-5
Wines, Sir Henry Thompson's views,
i. 181-2

Winnipeg :

Shot moose there fifty years ago, i.

91
Wolseley, Lord, i. 178
Woman :

Changes in fashions, i. 199
Marriage incompatible with de-
votion to career necessary for

success, i. 199-200
Benediction to, i. 205
The best and wisest do not shine

in organisation, i. 236
Their wonderful work during the

War, i. 240
Woods, Sir Robert, ii. 79
Wootton Creek, i. 40
World, The, ii. 95, 99
Wormwood Scrubs, i. 207
Worthington-Evans, Sir L., ii. 81,

218
Wortley, Archie, i. 178
Wrey, Commodore Bourchier, i. 238
Wright, Wilbur, i. 7
Wyndham, George (see " Ireland ")
Wyndham, Captain Henry (Lord

Leconfield), i. 208
Wyndham-Quin, Colonel, M.P. for

Glamorgan, 1895, i. 3
Wynne, i. 110
Wynyard, i. 175

Yachting :

On the Thames in early days, i.
208

Early experiences, i. 34-8

Special races : Petronilla, i. 38-9 ;
Cariad II., i. 39-41, 60 ; Val-
kyrie II., i. 43-4, 45-6 ; Val-
kyrie III., i. 48-9 ; Audrey, i.
58-9

Lord Dufferin's remarkable little
craft, i. 41

Attempts to win the America
Cup, i. 45-8

Design and building of Audrey,
i. 56-9

Fin (plate and bulb) keelers, i.
56-9

Wrote book The Practice and
Theory of Navigation, i. 62

International contests, views
upon, i. 48-9

New York Yacht Club, i. 179

A " skit," i. 52-6

Encyclopaedia of Sport, article in,
i. 59

Advantage of master's and extra-
master's certificates during the
War, i. 62

Reflections upon yacht-racing, i.
63-4 ; hopes for the future, i.
64

244

INDEX

Yachting (continued) :
Yachts built or owned :
Alwida, i. 41

Audrey, i. 50, 56-9, ii. 177-8
Cariad I.,i. 59-60
Cariad II., ii. 39-41, 60, 183, 231,

232
Cosette, i. 41
Cripple (originally Windsor), i.

34-5
Cyane, i. 41
Deirdre, i. 41
UEsperance, i. 41
Grianaig, i. 47, 62, 233, 243, 245,

252, 259
Petronilla, i. 38-9
Valkyrie I., i. 34-5, 42-3
Valkyrie II., i. v, 43-7
Valkyrie III., i. 48-9, 60-62,

178
Other yachts referred to :
Britannia, i. 43-4
Calluna, i. 44
Cetonia, i. 40
Cicely, i. 40
Defender, i. 48-9, 178
Dragon, ii. 178
Erin, i. 242, 248
Eucharis, i. 58, ii. 178

Yachting (continued) :

Evolution, i. 58, ii. 178

Greta, i. 231-2, 235

lnyoni, ii. 178

I rex, i. 38

Isolde, i. 58, ii. 178

Jullanar, ii. 177, 178

Lamorna, i. 40

Lwia, ii. 178

Meteor (originally Thistle), i. 39-
40, 61

Niagara, i. 58, ii. 177, 178

Stephanie, ii. 178

Valdora, i. 40

Valhalla, i. 47-8, 167

Vineta, ii. 178

Waterwitch, i. 39

White Heather, i. 39

Zinita, ii. 178
Yellowstone National Park, i. 88
Yellowstone River, i. 88, 110-12
Yeomanry, Imperial, i. 226-8, 230
Youghal, ii. 117
Young, Allan, i. 194
Youth, and the changing years, ii. 154
Ypres, i. 258

Zeebrugge, astounding feat, i. 260
Zinita, ii. 178

THE END

Printed in Great Britain by R. & R. Clark, Limitkd, Edinburgh.

X

LO-6